Russia as a Great Power: Dimensions of Security under Putin
In: Politologija, Heft 2, S. 109-116
ISSN: 1392-1681
In: Politologija, Heft 2, S. 109-116
ISSN: 1392-1681
Alienated fragmented identity in case of the state and nation is analyzed through cultural identity, selfidentification in historical, geopolitical, and political contexts. The main question is how a nation should stay as it was when all around there are huge political, economic, and social changes? What is the influence of internal and extern al structures in shaping the relationship between perceptions of national identity, culture, "foreign"? And what are the manifestations and consequences of real policy (that is based on mythical thinking) on the process of state and nation formation? One of the most interesting and important objects of analysis of alienated identity in the context of states and nations is Russia. This multicultural, multireligious giant constructed by coincidences, wars and aggression and having a unique cultural and historical heritage lacks only one thing – clear autoidentification.
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Alienated fragmented identity in case of the state and nation is analyzed through cultural identity, selfidentification in historical, geopolitical, and political contexts. The main question is how a nation should stay as it was when all around there are huge political, economic, and social changes? What is the influence of internal and extern al structures in shaping the relationship between perceptions of national identity, culture, "foreign"? And what are the manifestations and consequences of real policy (that is based on mythical thinking) on the process of state and nation formation? One of the most interesting and important objects of analysis of alienated identity in the context of states and nations is Russia. This multicultural, multireligious giant constructed by coincidences, wars and aggression and having a unique cultural and historical heritage lacks only one thing – clear autoidentification.
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In the 21st century security situation has changed – international community has faced with a new kind of threats: terrorism and weapons of mass destruction. A progress of science and technology has become the two-edged sword in hand of terrorists and rogue states. In this context deterrence no longer could ensure security. Therefore attention was called to the other means of defense – preventive and preemptive strikes. Preventive strike is a military strike initiated in the belief that military conflict, while not imminent, is inevitable, and that to delay would involve greater risk. Preemptive strike is an attack initiated on the basis of incontrovertible evidence that an enemy attack is imminent. Several states have expressed intention to use preemptive strikes: USA, Russia, Australia, Italy, United Kingdom, but for the meantime only USA has implemented this strategy. The question is whether the other states will follow USA's example. In this article the subject of preemptive strikes is considered in aspect of probability to use this means of policy. The object of analysis in this article is the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. The purpose of the article is to compare the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. Several factors were chosen to define the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. They are: state's attitude towards preemptive strikes, military capabilities, state's self-perception in the international stage, the attitude of international community towards preemptive strikes. The probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes is analysed employing several methods of analysis: analysis of documents, description and comparative method.[.].
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In the 21st century security situation has changed – international community has faced with a new kind of threats: terrorism and weapons of mass destruction. A progress of science and technology has become the two-edged sword in hand of terrorists and rogue states. In this context deterrence no longer could ensure security. Therefore attention was called to the other means of defense – preventive and preemptive strikes. Preventive strike is a military strike initiated in the belief that military conflict, while not imminent, is inevitable, and that to delay would involve greater risk. Preemptive strike is an attack initiated on the basis of incontrovertible evidence that an enemy attack is imminent. Several states have expressed intention to use preemptive strikes: USA, Russia, Australia, Italy, United Kingdom, but for the meantime only USA has implemented this strategy. The question is whether the other states will follow USA's example. In this article the subject of preemptive strikes is considered in aspect of probability to use this means of policy. The object of analysis in this article is the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. The purpose of the article is to compare the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. Several factors were chosen to define the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. They are: state's attitude towards preemptive strikes, military capabilities, state's self-perception in the international stage, the attitude of international community towards preemptive strikes. The probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes is analysed employing several methods of analysis: analysis of documents, description and comparative method.[.].
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In the 21st century security situation has changed – international community has faced with a new kind of threats: terrorism and weapons of mass destruction. A progress of science and technology has become the two-edged sword in hand of terrorists and rogue states. In this context deterrence no longer could ensure security. Therefore attention was called to the other means of defense – preventive and preemptive strikes. Preventive strike is a military strike initiated in the belief that military conflict, while not imminent, is inevitable, and that to delay would involve greater risk. Preemptive strike is an attack initiated on the basis of incontrovertible evidence that an enemy attack is imminent. Several states have expressed intention to use preemptive strikes: USA, Russia, Australia, Italy, United Kingdom, but for the meantime only USA has implemented this strategy. The question is whether the other states will follow USA's example. In this article the subject of preemptive strikes is considered in aspect of probability to use this means of policy. The object of analysis in this article is the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. The purpose of the article is to compare the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. Several factors were chosen to define the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. They are: state's attitude towards preemptive strikes, military capabilities, state's self-perception in the international stage, the attitude of international community towards preemptive strikes. The probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes is analysed employing several methods of analysis: analysis of documents, description and comparative method.[.].
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Since the demise of FSU, about one million Russian speakers from all republics of the FSU have moved to Israel. Today Russian Jews amount to 20 % of Israeli society. This aliyah doesn't integrate into Israeli society and forms Russian speakers' subculture (externalized through particular cultural identity, Russian language community formation and no integration process) in Israel. This segregation determines complex Russian Jews relationship with Israel and Russia: in Israel this community functions like separate ethnic group and creates diasporic ties with Russia. As a result of the demise of the FSU Russia-Israel relations take a new form. Russia renounced it's entirely proarabic politics and started developing friendly ties with Israel. The aim of the work is to determine the role of Israeli Russian Jews community in Israel-Russia relations, keeping in mind that Israeli Russian speakers in Israel society act like the separate ethnic group with strong diasporic ties with Russia. The hypothesis of the work – Israeli Russian Jews community is one of the factors, affecting Israel-Russia relations transformation in positive way. In order to verify the hypothesis there are formed four goals: 1) to define the term "diaspora"and theoretical model of diaspora's action between hostland and homeland; 2) to analyze Israeli Russian Jews community's identification with Russian culture and evaluate the disintegration into Israeli society process; 3) to evaluate Israel, Russia and community's interests in respect of each other; 4) to identify the role of Russian Jews in political, economical and cultural area. The analysis enables to come to these conclusions: 1) Israeli Russian Jews act like the bridge between Israel and Russia. Dual cultural identification and non-integration process capacitates hostland to obtain homeland features (and vice versa) and creates proper conditions for Russian Jews to act like the mediator. 2) Russian Jews community was one of the main factors for changing Russia's perception of Israel – new perception determines new political courses and opens new possibilities; 3) Israeli Russian Jews is one of the main initiator of Israel-Russia economical cooperation; 4) Russian Jews community is the main actor in cultural each other (Israel-Russia) knowledge. Nevertheless, dual identification on certain conditions operates like community's motivation reducing factor. On the one hand, dual identification capacitates community to act like influential political and economic group in Israel, retain dual citizenship, property and operation freedom in Russia. On the other hand, dual identification is the barrier for active lobby. Dual identification prevents community from political agenda in regard to Israel-Russia relations formation. Thus even disposing of powerful political influence means Israeli Russian Jews don't manage to use it. Eventually, by playing "dual identity" card Russian Jews community may become the mean of influence in the relationship of two states. Dual identity suppresses political consciousness and diasporic community can't be active player in regard to partly hostland/partly homeland - Russia. Because of this passivity Russian Jews community-reversed diaspora becomes potential object of manipulation. The analysis of literature enables to come to the conclusion that Israel government doesn't use the community as the mean of influence. It can be explained by the fact that Israel government, despite dual Russian Jews community's identity, doesn't consider Russian Jews as diaspora, conversely it is considered integral part of Israel society. Whereas Russia is trying to ensure for itself possible means of manipulation through financial support for Russian Jews parties and provided permission to use Russia's mass media for Russian Jews community's purposes. It means that in prospect Russian Jews may become significant Russia's mean of influence to Israel.
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Since the demise of FSU, about one million Russian speakers from all republics of the FSU have moved to Israel. Today Russian Jews amount to 20 % of Israeli society. This aliyah doesn't integrate into Israeli society and forms Russian speakers' subculture (externalized through particular cultural identity, Russian language community formation and no integration process) in Israel. This segregation determines complex Russian Jews relationship with Israel and Russia: in Israel this community functions like separate ethnic group and creates diasporic ties with Russia. As a result of the demise of the FSU Russia-Israel relations take a new form. Russia renounced it's entirely proarabic politics and started developing friendly ties with Israel. The aim of the work is to determine the role of Israeli Russian Jews community in Israel-Russia relations, keeping in mind that Israeli Russian speakers in Israel society act like the separate ethnic group with strong diasporic ties with Russia. The hypothesis of the work – Israeli Russian Jews community is one of the factors, affecting Israel-Russia relations transformation in positive way. In order to verify the hypothesis there are formed four goals: 1) to define the term "diaspora"and theoretical model of diaspora's action between hostland and homeland; 2) to analyze Israeli Russian Jews community's identification with Russian culture and evaluate the disintegration into Israeli society process; 3) to evaluate Israel, Russia and community's interests in respect of each other; 4) to identify the role of Russian Jews in political, economical and cultural area. The analysis enables to come to these conclusions: 1) Israeli Russian Jews act like the bridge between Israel and Russia. Dual cultural identification and non-integration process capacitates hostland to obtain homeland features (and vice versa) and creates proper conditions for Russian Jews to act like the mediator. 2) Russian Jews community was one of the main factors for changing Russia's perception of Israel – new perception determines new political courses and opens new possibilities; 3) Israeli Russian Jews is one of the main initiator of Israel-Russia economical cooperation; 4) Russian Jews community is the main actor in cultural each other (Israel-Russia) knowledge. Nevertheless, dual identification on certain conditions operates like community's motivation reducing factor. On the one hand, dual identification capacitates community to act like influential political and economic group in Israel, retain dual citizenship, property and operation freedom in Russia. On the other hand, dual identification is the barrier for active lobby. Dual identification prevents community from political agenda in regard to Israel-Russia relations formation. Thus even disposing of powerful political influence means Israeli Russian Jews don't manage to use it. Eventually, by playing "dual identity" card Russian Jews community may become the mean of influence in the relationship of two states. Dual identity suppresses political consciousness and diasporic community can't be active player in regard to partly hostland/partly homeland - Russia. Because of this passivity Russian Jews community-reversed diaspora becomes potential object of manipulation. The analysis of literature enables to come to the conclusion that Israel government doesn't use the community as the mean of influence. It can be explained by the fact that Israel government, despite dual Russian Jews community's identity, doesn't consider Russian Jews as diaspora, conversely it is considered integral part of Israel society. Whereas Russia is trying to ensure for itself possible means of manipulation through financial support for Russian Jews parties and provided permission to use Russia's mass media for Russian Jews community's purposes. It means that in prospect Russian Jews may become significant Russia's mean of influence to Israel.
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This paper analyses the theoretical approaches of the concept of "identity", which refers to the "historisation" of public life. It is argued that throughout the history people can recognize and interpret social life and people's behaviour is affected by the projections, expectations and memories arising from a broad and defined social, cultural, and historical field in which they are available. While studying the identity of Russian society, the Soviet period is analyzed, in which a national identification was characterized by vertical interaction (human – Soviet government) by levelling down horizontal identity types like ethnic, religious, regional. It is believed that the transformation of Russian to Soviet identity in the nineteenth century overcame the crisis of imperial Russian identity, but almost completely destroyed week ethnic identity layer. The main representatives of the Eurasian concept that had a huge influence in forming the theoretical background to Russian identity were Nicholas Danilevsky (1822-1885), Nicholas Trubeckoi (1890-1938), and Lev Gumiliov (1912-1992). This article emphasizes the ideas of Trubeckoi and his opinion that Western civilization is the greatest enemy of all mankind and the greatest obstacle for the formation of other civilizations and cultures identity. Finally the real, contemporary Russian political steps are analysed which reflected the answers of the Russian identity issue. Vladimir Putin re-established the czarist and Soviet eras' symbols in this way searching for "useful history" that would unite the nation by appealing to the nostalgia. A key trend that is followed is Russia's desire to emphasize that it manages its own affairs and that the West has no right to dictate the direction of democracy or Russia identity development.
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This paper analyses the theoretical approaches of the concept of "identity", which refers to the "historisation" of public life. It is argued that throughout the history people can recognize and interpret social life and people's behaviour is affected by the projections, expectations and memories arising from a broad and defined social, cultural, and historical field in which they are available. While studying the identity of Russian society, the Soviet period is analyzed, in which a national identification was characterized by vertical interaction (human – Soviet government) by levelling down horizontal identity types like ethnic, religious, regional. It is believed that the transformation of Russian to Soviet identity in the nineteenth century overcame the crisis of imperial Russian identity, but almost completely destroyed week ethnic identity layer. The main representatives of the Eurasian concept that had a huge influence in forming the theoretical background to Russian identity were Nicholas Danilevsky (1822-1885), Nicholas Trubeckoi (1890-1938), and Lev Gumiliov (1912-1992). This article emphasizes the ideas of Trubeckoi and his opinion that Western civilization is the greatest enemy of all mankind and the greatest obstacle for the formation of other civilizations and cultures identity. Finally the real, contemporary Russian political steps are analysed which reflected the answers of the Russian identity issue. Vladimir Putin re-established the czarist and Soviet eras' symbols in this way searching for "useful history" that would unite the nation by appealing to the nostalgia. A key trend that is followed is Russia's desire to emphasize that it manages its own affairs and that the West has no right to dictate the direction of democracy or Russia identity development.
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Safety and Health Guarantees of Employees in Lithuania and Russia Summary Employee's safety and health guarantees, consolidated in the international law acts, Lithuanian Republic's law and Russian Federation's law sources, were studied/researched in the master's work. The aim of this work is to evaluate, traverse and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees in the international law sources of Lithuanian Republic and Russian Federation. The principal/key goals are to unfold and define the concept of employee's safety and health guarantee; to evaluate and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees in Lithuanian Republic and in Russian Federation; to evaluate and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees consolidated in the international law sources; to evaluate how employee safety and health guarantees differ and how they are alike in Lithuanian Republic and in Russian Federation; to traverse employee's safety and health guarantees ensuring institutions and their functions in the employee's safety and health field. In summarizing this final master's work it is necessary to note that employee's safety and health guarantees are fairly ensured in Lithuanian Republic's and Russian Federation's law system. Significance of these guarantees is seen in the fact that they are consolidated in the supreme national law acts of Lithuanian Republic's and Russian Federation's constitutions, in this way ascribing them to constitutional. It is possible to draw inferences from traversing employee's safety and health guarantees that: 1. It is possible to define the concept of employee's safety and health guarantee as: employee's safety and health guarantee is the system of appropriate (juridical, economical, etc.) conditions, means, methods, manners and principles, which provides for each and all equal possibilities to implement their rights and liberties in the employee's safety and health field. 2. It is possible to sort out the kinds of employee's safety and health guarantees in Lithuanian Republic and Russian Federation according to: a) kinds of safety and health guarantees according to in what law sources they are consolidated (countries' constitutions, international law acts, work codes, legislations, sublegislative law acts); b) safety and health guarantees according to what subjects they are being applied (guarantees are applied to individuals up to 18 years, disabled people, pregnant women, recently given birth and breastfeeding mothers); c) social, economical, and organizational employee's safety and health guarantees. 3. National and independent guarantee ensuring subjects are participating in the securing of employee's safety and health guarantees. The Executive Branch institutions navigating the control of safety and health at work place are ascribed to the national safety and health guarantees ensuring subjects. Labor unions and their established regulatory institutions navigating the social control of safety and health at work place are ascribed to the independent subjects.
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Safety and Health Guarantees of Employees in Lithuania and Russia Summary Employee's safety and health guarantees, consolidated in the international law acts, Lithuanian Republic's law and Russian Federation's law sources, were studied/researched in the master's work. The aim of this work is to evaluate, traverse and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees in the international law sources of Lithuanian Republic and Russian Federation. The principal/key goals are to unfold and define the concept of employee's safety and health guarantee; to evaluate and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees in Lithuanian Republic and in Russian Federation; to evaluate and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees consolidated in the international law sources; to evaluate how employee safety and health guarantees differ and how they are alike in Lithuanian Republic and in Russian Federation; to traverse employee's safety and health guarantees ensuring institutions and their functions in the employee's safety and health field. In summarizing this final master's work it is necessary to note that employee's safety and health guarantees are fairly ensured in Lithuanian Republic's and Russian Federation's law system. Significance of these guarantees is seen in the fact that they are consolidated in the supreme national law acts of Lithuanian Republic's and Russian Federation's constitutions, in this way ascribing them to constitutional. It is possible to draw inferences from traversing employee's safety and health guarantees that: 1. It is possible to define the concept of employee's safety and health guarantee as: employee's safety and health guarantee is the system of appropriate (juridical, economical, etc.) conditions, means, methods, manners and principles, which provides for each and all equal possibilities to implement their rights and liberties in the employee's safety and health field. 2. It is possible to sort out the kinds of employee's safety and health guarantees in Lithuanian Republic and Russian Federation according to: a) kinds of safety and health guarantees according to in what law sources they are consolidated (countries' constitutions, international law acts, work codes, legislations, sublegislative law acts); b) safety and health guarantees according to what subjects they are being applied (guarantees are applied to individuals up to 18 years, disabled people, pregnant women, recently given birth and breastfeeding mothers); c) social, economical, and organizational employee's safety and health guarantees. 3. National and independent guarantee ensuring subjects are participating in the securing of employee's safety and health guarantees. The Executive Branch institutions navigating the control of safety and health at work place are ascribed to the national safety and health guarantees ensuring subjects. Labor unions and their established regulatory institutions navigating the social control of safety and health at work place are ascribed to the independent subjects.
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Safety and Health Guarantees of Employees in Lithuania and Russia Summary Employee's safety and health guarantees, consolidated in the international law acts, Lithuanian Republic's law and Russian Federation's law sources, were studied/researched in the master's work. The aim of this work is to evaluate, traverse and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees in the international law sources of Lithuanian Republic and Russian Federation. The principal/key goals are to unfold and define the concept of employee's safety and health guarantee; to evaluate and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees in Lithuanian Republic and in Russian Federation; to evaluate and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees consolidated in the international law sources; to evaluate how employee safety and health guarantees differ and how they are alike in Lithuanian Republic and in Russian Federation; to traverse employee's safety and health guarantees ensuring institutions and their functions in the employee's safety and health field. In summarizing this final master's work it is necessary to note that employee's safety and health guarantees are fairly ensured in Lithuanian Republic's and Russian Federation's law system. Significance of these guarantees is seen in the fact that they are consolidated in the supreme national law acts of Lithuanian Republic's and Russian Federation's constitutions, in this way ascribing them to constitutional. It is possible to draw inferences from traversing employee's safety and health guarantees that: 1. It is possible to define the concept of employee's safety and health guarantee as: employee's safety and health guarantee is the system of appropriate (juridical, economical, etc.) conditions, means, methods, manners and principles, which provides for each and all equal possibilities to implement their rights and liberties in the employee's safety and health field. 2. It is possible to sort out the kinds of employee's safety and health guarantees in Lithuanian Republic and Russian Federation according to: a) kinds of safety and health guarantees according to in what law sources they are consolidated (countries' constitutions, international law acts, work codes, legislations, sublegislative law acts); b) safety and health guarantees according to what subjects they are being applied (guarantees are applied to individuals up to 18 years, disabled people, pregnant women, recently given birth and breastfeeding mothers); c) social, economical, and organizational employee's safety and health guarantees. 3. National and independent guarantee ensuring subjects are participating in the securing of employee's safety and health guarantees. The Executive Branch institutions navigating the control of safety and health at work place are ascribed to the national safety and health guarantees ensuring subjects. Labor unions and their established regulatory institutions navigating the social control of safety and health at work place are ascribed to the independent subjects.
BASE
Safety and Health Guarantees of Employees in Lithuania and Russia Summary Employee's safety and health guarantees, consolidated in the international law acts, Lithuanian Republic's law and Russian Federation's law sources, were studied/researched in the master's work. The aim of this work is to evaluate, traverse and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees in the international law sources of Lithuanian Republic and Russian Federation. The principal/key goals are to unfold and define the concept of employee's safety and health guarantee; to evaluate and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees in Lithuanian Republic and in Russian Federation; to evaluate and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees consolidated in the international law sources; to evaluate how employee safety and health guarantees differ and how they are alike in Lithuanian Republic and in Russian Federation; to traverse employee's safety and health guarantees ensuring institutions and their functions in the employee's safety and health field. In summarizing this final master's work it is necessary to note that employee's safety and health guarantees are fairly ensured in Lithuanian Republic's and Russian Federation's law system. Significance of these guarantees is seen in the fact that they are consolidated in the supreme national law acts of Lithuanian Republic's and Russian Federation's constitutions, in this way ascribing them to constitutional. It is possible to draw inferences from traversing employee's safety and health guarantees that: 1. It is possible to define the concept of employee's safety and health guarantee as: employee's safety and health guarantee is the system of appropriate (juridical, economical, etc.) conditions, means, methods, manners and principles, which provides for each and all equal possibilities to implement their rights and liberties in the employee's safety and health field. 2. It is possible to sort out the kinds of employee's safety and health guarantees in Lithuanian Republic and Russian Federation according to: a) kinds of safety and health guarantees according to in what law sources they are consolidated (countries' constitutions, international law acts, work codes, legislations, sublegislative law acts); b) safety and health guarantees according to what subjects they are being applied (guarantees are applied to individuals up to 18 years, disabled people, pregnant women, recently given birth and breastfeeding mothers); c) social, economical, and organizational employee's safety and health guarantees. 3. National and independent guarantee ensuring subjects are participating in the securing of employee's safety and health guarantees. The Executive Branch institutions navigating the control of safety and health at work place are ascribed to the national safety and health guarantees ensuring subjects. Labor unions and their established regulatory institutions navigating the social control of safety and health at work place are ascribed to the independent subjects.
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In this study, titled "Intersection of US-Russia interests in Central Asia region", the author analyses the strategies of the United States of America and the Russian Federation towards Central Asia region and the main strategic interests in the security policy and economical level. The study pays a lot of attention to the analysis of the democratization aspect, especially in the U.S. foreign policy course, and its impact on the relations between U.S., Russia and the states of the Central Asia. The study is based on the academic concept of "imperialism", which becomes an orient in the analysis of intersection of US Russia interests in Central Asia region and opportunities for cooperation. The study has been divided into four chapters. In the first chapter author introduces a theoretical foundation of "imperialism". The second chapter is dedicated to the analysis of US strategic interests in Central Asia and the role and meaning of democratization process. The geopolitical spread of Russia's influence is analyzed in the third chapter of the study, where the author underscores the importance of rally points in the relations between Russia and Central Asia states. The fourth chapter analyzes the prospects of future cooperation and competition between US and Russia. The study concludes, that US strategy towards Central Asia is discontinuous, and because of underestimation of specific situation in this region and lack of rally points (short common historical experience, differences in culture and value systems etc.), US fails to establish in this region. In addition, attempting to pass a "democratization message" to the authoritarian regimes and misjudging their reaction, US harms its other strategic interests. However, US cannot abandon "democratization" message because of it gives an ideological ground for its foreign policy course and legitimizes its actions worldwide. Therefore the study confirms the first hypothesis, that excessively underscoring the democratization aspect and forgetting the specifics of Central Asia region, US reduces the effectiveness of these relations as well as its abilities to reach other strategic goals. Russia, otherwise, does not underline "democratization" issue and avoids the rise of such tension in its relations with Central Asia states. Russia makes use of the bridging cultural connections, common historical experience, and, mostly important, common infrastructure that facilitates economical cooperation. Therefore, study concludes, that Russia manages to make use of Central Asia states' apathy towards US offered democratization model, and increases its opportunities to strengthen the instruments of economical pressure in the region. Central Asia can be seen as a testing area for the competition of US and Russia imperial ambitions. In consideration of US attempts to implement its domination policy goals and Russia's desire to see multipolar international relations system instead of unipolar, cooperation perspectives remain highly questionable.
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