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The purpose of this paper is to assess the development of relations between Russia and the two Western power centres, the United States of America and the European Union, in 2003 – 2004. It goes without saying that it would be quite problematic and risky to formulate an unequivocal evaluation of this dynamic phenomenon. The author, however, sought to identify and determine the key trends of development. This was done through a search for answers to more specific questions: what was the strategy of Russia's foreign policy, how did it interact with the goals and aspirations of the USA and EU, and, finally, toward what – convergence or alienation – did evolve the dialogue between the global power centres that are of greatest importance for the Central and Eastern European countries. These tasks have dictated the trinomial structure of the paper. The first part deals with the changes in the Russian foreign policy strategy in recent years. It shows how, upon sensible assessment of its opportunities, Russia abandoned its former rush-about and concentrated on the inclusion of the CIS states (the Ukraine in particular) in its political orbit. The second and the third part of the paper analyse the peculiarities and ups and downs of Russia's relations with the USA and the EU respectively. Despite certain variations, the development of these relations increasingly shows signs of alienation and cooling, which were partly masked by the intention of the EU larger Member States, in particular of the Germany, to maintain good relations with Russia at any cost. Finally, a brief overview of the culminating event in the Russian–Western relations – the Ukrainian "orange revolution" – is presented at the end of the paper, supplemented by a broader summarisation of the period under consideration. The underlying idea of the summary is that the so-called "value gap" has been widening in the Russian-Western relations in recent years.

The purpose of this paper is to assess the development of relations between Russia and the two Western power centres, the United States of America and the European Union, in 2003 – 2004. It goes without saying that it would be quite problematic and risky to formulate an unequivocal evaluation of this dynamic phenomenon. The author, however, sought to identify and determine the key trends of development. This was done through a search for answers to more specific questions: what was the strategy of Russia's foreign policy, how did it interact with the goals and aspirations of the USA and EU, and, finally, toward what – convergence or alienation – did evolve the dialogue between the global power centres that are of greatest importance for the Central and Eastern European countries. These tasks have dictated the trinomial structure of the paper. The first part deals with the changes in the Russian foreign policy strategy in recent years. It shows how, upon sensible assessment of its opportunities, Russia abandoned its former rush-about and concentrated on the inclusion of the CIS states (the Ukraine in particular) in its political orbit. The second and the third part of the paper analyse the peculiarities and ups and downs of Russia's relations with the USA and the EU respectively. Despite certain variations, the development of these relations increasingly shows signs of alienation and cooling, which were partly masked by the intention of the EU larger Member States, in particular of the Germany, to maintain good relations with Russia at any cost. Finally, a brief overview of the culminating event in the Russian–Western relations – the Ukrainian "orange revolution" – is presented at the end of the paper, supplemented by a broader summarisation of the period under consideration. The underlying idea of the summary is that the so-called "value gap" has been widening in the Russian-Western relations in recent years.

The purpose of this paper is to assess the development of relations between Russia and the two Western power centres, the United States of America and the European Union, in 2003 – 2004. It goes without saying that it would be quite problematic and risky to formulate an unequivocal evaluation of this dynamic phenomenon. The author, however, sought to identify and determine the key trends of development. This was done through a search for answers to more specific questions: what was the strategy of Russia's foreign policy, how did it interact with the goals and aspirations of the USA and EU, and, finally, toward what – convergence or alienation – did evolve the dialogue between the global power centres that are of greatest importance for the Central and Eastern European countries. These tasks have dictated the trinomial structure of the paper. The first part deals with the changes in the Russian foreign policy strategy in recent years. It shows how, upon sensible assessment of its opportunities, Russia abandoned its former rush-about and concentrated on the inclusion of the CIS states (the Ukraine in particular) in its political orbit. The second and the third part of the paper analyse the peculiarities and ups and downs of Russia's relations with the USA and the EU respectively. Despite certain variations, the development of these relations increasingly shows signs of alienation and cooling, which were partly masked by the intention of the EU larger Member States, in particular of the Germany, to maintain good relations with Russia at any cost. Finally, a brief overview of the culminating event in the Russian–Western relations – the Ukrainian "orange revolution" – is presented at the end of the paper, supplemented by a broader summarisation of the period under consideration. The underlying idea of the summary is that the so-called "value gap" has been widening in the Russian-Western relations in recent years.

Safety and Health Guarantees of Employees in Lithuania and Russia Summary Employee's safety and health guarantees, consolidated in the international law acts, Lithuanian Republic's law and Russian Federation's law sources, were studied/researched in the master's work. The aim of this work is to evaluate, traverse and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees in the international law sources of Lithuanian Republic and Russian Federation. The principal/key goals are to unfold and define the concept of employee's safety and health guarantee; to evaluate and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees in Lithuanian Republic and in Russian Federation; to evaluate and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees consolidated in the international law sources; to evaluate how employee safety and health guarantees differ and how they are alike in Lithuanian Republic and in Russian Federation; to traverse employee's safety and health guarantees ensuring institutions and their functions in the employee's safety and health field. In summarizing this final master's work it is necessary to note that employee's safety and health guarantees are fairly ensured in Lithuanian Republic's and Russian Federation's law system. Significance of these guarantees is seen in the fact that they are consolidated in the supreme national law acts of Lithuanian Republic's and Russian Federation's constitutions, in this way ascribing them to constitutional. It is possible to draw inferences from traversing employee's safety and health guarantees that: 1. It is possible to define the concept of employee's safety and health guarantee as: employee's safety and health guarantee is the system of appropriate (juridical, economical, etc.) conditions, means, methods, manners and principles, which provides for each and all equal possibilities to implement their rights and liberties in the employee's safety and health field. 2. It is possible to sort out the kinds of employee's safety and health guarantees in Lithuanian Republic and Russian Federation according to: a) kinds of safety and health guarantees according to in what law sources they are consolidated (countries' constitutions, international law acts, work codes, legislations, sublegislative law acts); b) safety and health guarantees according to what subjects they are being applied (guarantees are applied to individuals up to 18 years, disabled people, pregnant women, recently given birth and breastfeeding mothers); c) social, economical, and organizational employee's safety and health guarantees. 3. National and independent guarantee ensuring subjects are participating in the securing of employee's safety and health guarantees. The Executive Branch institutions navigating the control of safety and health at work place are ascribed to the national safety and health guarantees ensuring subjects. Labor unions and their established regulatory institutions navigating the social control of safety and health at work place are ascribed to the independent subjects.

Safety and Health Guarantees of Employees in Lithuania and Russia Summary Employee's safety and health guarantees, consolidated in the international law acts, Lithuanian Republic's law and Russian Federation's law sources, were studied/researched in the master's work. The aim of this work is to evaluate, traverse and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees in the international law sources of Lithuanian Republic and Russian Federation. The principal/key goals are to unfold and define the concept of employee's safety and health guarantee; to evaluate and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees in Lithuanian Republic and in Russian Federation; to evaluate and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees consolidated in the international law sources; to evaluate how employee safety and health guarantees differ and how they are alike in Lithuanian Republic and in Russian Federation; to traverse employee's safety and health guarantees ensuring institutions and their functions in the employee's safety and health field. In summarizing this final master's work it is necessary to note that employee's safety and health guarantees are fairly ensured in Lithuanian Republic's and Russian Federation's law system. Significance of these guarantees is seen in the fact that they are consolidated in the supreme national law acts of Lithuanian Republic's and Russian Federation's constitutions, in this way ascribing them to constitutional. It is possible to draw inferences from traversing employee's safety and health guarantees that: 1. It is possible to define the concept of employee's safety and health guarantee as: employee's safety and health guarantee is the system of appropriate (juridical, economical, etc.) conditions, means, methods, manners and principles, which provides for each and all equal possibilities to implement their rights and liberties in the employee's safety and health field. 2. It is possible to sort out the kinds of employee's safety and health guarantees in Lithuanian Republic and Russian Federation according to: a) kinds of safety and health guarantees according to in what law sources they are consolidated (countries' constitutions, international law acts, work codes, legislations, sublegislative law acts); b) safety and health guarantees according to what subjects they are being applied (guarantees are applied to individuals up to 18 years, disabled people, pregnant women, recently given birth and breastfeeding mothers); c) social, economical, and organizational employee's safety and health guarantees. 3. National and independent guarantee ensuring subjects are participating in the securing of employee's safety and health guarantees. The Executive Branch institutions navigating the control of safety and health at work place are ascribed to the national safety and health guarantees ensuring subjects. Labor unions and their established regulatory institutions navigating the social control of safety and health at work place are ascribed to the independent subjects.

Safety and Health Guarantees of Employees in Lithuania and Russia Summary Employee's safety and health guarantees, consolidated in the international law acts, Lithuanian Republic's law and Russian Federation's law sources, were studied/researched in the master's work. The aim of this work is to evaluate, traverse and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees in the international law sources of Lithuanian Republic and Russian Federation. The principal/key goals are to unfold and define the concept of employee's safety and health guarantee; to evaluate and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees in Lithuanian Republic and in Russian Federation; to evaluate and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees consolidated in the international law sources; to evaluate how employee safety and health guarantees differ and how they are alike in Lithuanian Republic and in Russian Federation; to traverse employee's safety and health guarantees ensuring institutions and their functions in the employee's safety and health field. In summarizing this final master's work it is necessary to note that employee's safety and health guarantees are fairly ensured in Lithuanian Republic's and Russian Federation's law system. Significance of these guarantees is seen in the fact that they are consolidated in the supreme national law acts of Lithuanian Republic's and Russian Federation's constitutions, in this way ascribing them to constitutional. It is possible to draw inferences from traversing employee's safety and health guarantees that: 1. It is possible to define the concept of employee's safety and health guarantee as: employee's safety and health guarantee is the system of appropriate (juridical, economical, etc.) conditions, means, methods, manners and principles, which provides for each and all equal possibilities to implement their rights and liberties in the employee's safety and health field. 2. It is possible to sort out the kinds of employee's safety and health guarantees in Lithuanian Republic and Russian Federation according to: a) kinds of safety and health guarantees according to in what law sources they are consolidated (countries' constitutions, international law acts, work codes, legislations, sublegislative law acts); b) safety and health guarantees according to what subjects they are being applied (guarantees are applied to individuals up to 18 years, disabled people, pregnant women, recently given birth and breastfeeding mothers); c) social, economical, and organizational employee's safety and health guarantees. 3. National and independent guarantee ensuring subjects are participating in the securing of employee's safety and health guarantees. The Executive Branch institutions navigating the control of safety and health at work place are ascribed to the national safety and health guarantees ensuring subjects. Labor unions and their established regulatory institutions navigating the social control of safety and health at work place are ascribed to the independent subjects.

Safety and Health Guarantees of Employees in Lithuania and Russia Summary Employee's safety and health guarantees, consolidated in the international law acts, Lithuanian Republic's law and Russian Federation's law sources, were studied/researched in the master's work. The aim of this work is to evaluate, traverse and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees in the international law sources of Lithuanian Republic and Russian Federation. The principal/key goals are to unfold and define the concept of employee's safety and health guarantee; to evaluate and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees in Lithuanian Republic and in Russian Federation; to evaluate and sort out employee's safety and health guarantees consolidated in the international law sources; to evaluate how employee safety and health guarantees differ and how they are alike in Lithuanian Republic and in Russian Federation; to traverse employee's safety and health guarantees ensuring institutions and their functions in the employee's safety and health field. In summarizing this final master's work it is necessary to note that employee's safety and health guarantees are fairly ensured in Lithuanian Republic's and Russian Federation's law system. Significance of these guarantees is seen in the fact that they are consolidated in the supreme national law acts of Lithuanian Republic's and Russian Federation's constitutions, in this way ascribing them to constitutional. It is possible to draw inferences from traversing employee's safety and health guarantees that: 1. It is possible to define the concept of employee's safety and health guarantee as: employee's safety and health guarantee is the system of appropriate (juridical, economical, etc.) conditions, means, methods, manners and principles, which provides for each and all equal possibilities to implement their rights and liberties in the employee's safety and health field. 2. It is possible to sort out the kinds of employee's safety and health guarantees in Lithuanian Republic and Russian Federation according to: a) kinds of safety and health guarantees according to in what law sources they are consolidated (countries' constitutions, international law acts, work codes, legislations, sublegislative law acts); b) safety and health guarantees according to what subjects they are being applied (guarantees are applied to individuals up to 18 years, disabled people, pregnant women, recently given birth and breastfeeding mothers); c) social, economical, and organizational employee's safety and health guarantees. 3. National and independent guarantee ensuring subjects are participating in the securing of employee's safety and health guarantees. The Executive Branch institutions navigating the control of safety and health at work place are ascribed to the national safety and health guarantees ensuring subjects. Labor unions and their established regulatory institutions navigating the social control of safety and health at work place are ascribed to the independent subjects.

In the 21st century security situation has changed – international community has faced with a new kind of threats: terrorism and weapons of mass destruction. A progress of science and technology has become the two-edged sword in hand of terrorists and rogue states. In this context deterrence no longer could ensure security. Therefore attention was called to the other means of defense – preventive and preemptive strikes. Preventive strike is a military strike initiated in the belief that military conflict, while not imminent, is inevitable, and that to delay would involve greater risk. Preemptive strike is an attack initiated on the basis of incontrovertible evidence that an enemy attack is imminent. Several states have expressed intention to use preemptive strikes: USA, Russia, Australia, Italy, United Kingdom, but for the meantime only USA has implemented this strategy. The question is whether the other states will follow USA's example. In this article the subject of preemptive strikes is considered in aspect of probability to use this means of policy. The object of analysis in this article is the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. The purpose of the article is to compare the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. Several factors were chosen to define the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. They are: state's attitude towards preemptive strikes, military capabilities, state's self-perception in the international stage, the attitude of international community towards preemptive strikes. The probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes is analysed employing several methods of analysis: analysis of documents, description and comparative method.[.].

In the 21st century security situation has changed – international community has faced with a new kind of threats: terrorism and weapons of mass destruction. A progress of science and technology has become the two-edged sword in hand of terrorists and rogue states. In this context deterrence no longer could ensure security. Therefore attention was called to the other means of defense – preventive and preemptive strikes. Preventive strike is a military strike initiated in the belief that military conflict, while not imminent, is inevitable, and that to delay would involve greater risk. Preemptive strike is an attack initiated on the basis of incontrovertible evidence that an enemy attack is imminent. Several states have expressed intention to use preemptive strikes: USA, Russia, Australia, Italy, United Kingdom, but for the meantime only USA has implemented this strategy. The question is whether the other states will follow USA's example. In this article the subject of preemptive strikes is considered in aspect of probability to use this means of policy. The object of analysis in this article is the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. The purpose of the article is to compare the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. Several factors were chosen to define the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. They are: state's attitude towards preemptive strikes, military capabilities, state's self-perception in the international stage, the attitude of international community towards preemptive strikes. The probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes is analysed employing several methods of analysis: analysis of documents, description and comparative method.[.].

In the 21st century security situation has changed – international community has faced with a new kind of threats: terrorism and weapons of mass destruction. A progress of science and technology has become the two-edged sword in hand of terrorists and rogue states. In this context deterrence no longer could ensure security. Therefore attention was called to the other means of defense – preventive and preemptive strikes. Preventive strike is a military strike initiated in the belief that military conflict, while not imminent, is inevitable, and that to delay would involve greater risk. Preemptive strike is an attack initiated on the basis of incontrovertible evidence that an enemy attack is imminent. Several states have expressed intention to use preemptive strikes: USA, Russia, Australia, Italy, United Kingdom, but for the meantime only USA has implemented this strategy. The question is whether the other states will follow USA's example. In this article the subject of preemptive strikes is considered in aspect of probability to use this means of policy. The object of analysis in this article is the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. The purpose of the article is to compare the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. Several factors were chosen to define the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. They are: state's attitude towards preemptive strikes, military capabilities, state's self-perception in the international stage, the attitude of international community towards preemptive strikes. The probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes is analysed employing several methods of analysis: analysis of documents, description and comparative method.[.].

After the collapse of Soviet Union in Central Asia geopolitical vacuum formed where the major powers of the world, including neighbors of republics of Central Asia, tried there to increase their influence. Interests in gaining influence in Central Asia were determined not only by common interest spheres of realism, as increasing geopolitical power or power restriction of possible rivals, but also aspects of neorealism like energy security and economical influence, which are even more important. In that way, pipelines of energetic resources are not only in sphere of economical interest, but also is the way of gaining geopolitical power. Russia, as the dominant power in Eurasian continent, tries to regain its lost impact on Central Asia after collapse of Soviet Union. After 1991 it started to plan the ways of expansion its economical and political power to Central Asia through development of oil and gas transportation pipelines which pass its territory. After gaining independence, republics of Central Asia didn't have clear vision of their foreign policy, and their ties with Russia were still very strong and determined by common history and political culture, so Russia could do stronger impact on gaining beneficial pipelines routes, in that way eventually, strengthening its influence in world market of energy resources and also international politics. The President of Russian Federation Vladimir Putin greatly influenced Russian foreign politics based on energy resources and transportation routes, which helps Russia to regain influence in all other spheres. Western countries, and United States in the first place, acting on their own and through their partners, mainly Turkey, tied to gain greater influence in Central Asia through diversifying pipelines routes, and avoiding routes through Russian territory.[.].

After the collapse of Soviet Union in Central Asia geopolitical vacuum formed where the major powers of the world, including neighbors of republics of Central Asia, tried there to increase their influence. Interests in gaining influence in Central Asia were determined not only by common interest spheres of realism, as increasing geopolitical power or power restriction of possible rivals, but also aspects of neorealism like energy security and economical influence, which are even more important. In that way, pipelines of energetic resources are not only in sphere of economical interest, but also is the way of gaining geopolitical power. Russia, as the dominant power in Eurasian continent, tries to regain its lost impact on Central Asia after collapse of Soviet Union. After 1991 it started to plan the ways of expansion its economical and political power to Central Asia through development of oil and gas transportation pipelines which pass its territory. After gaining independence, republics of Central Asia didn't have clear vision of their foreign policy, and their ties with Russia were still very strong and determined by common history and political culture, so Russia could do stronger impact on gaining beneficial pipelines routes, in that way eventually, strengthening its influence in world market of energy resources and also international politics. The President of Russian Federation Vladimir Putin greatly influenced Russian foreign politics based on energy resources and transportation routes, which helps Russia to regain influence in all other spheres. Western countries, and United States in the first place, acting on their own and through their partners, mainly Turkey, tied to gain greater influence in Central Asia through diversifying pipelines routes, and avoiding routes through Russian territory.[.].

After the collapse of Soviet Union in Central Asia geopolitical vacuum formed where the major powers of the world, including neighbors of republics of Central Asia, tried there to increase their influence. Interests in gaining influence in Central Asia were determined not only by common interest spheres of realism, as increasing geopolitical power or power restriction of possible rivals, but also aspects of neorealism like energy security and economical influence, which are even more important. In that way, pipelines of energetic resources are not only in sphere of economical interest, but also is the way of gaining geopolitical power. Russia, as the dominant power in Eurasian continent, tries to regain its lost impact on Central Asia after collapse of Soviet Union. After 1991 it started to plan the ways of expansion its economical and political power to Central Asia through development of oil and gas transportation pipelines which pass its territory. After gaining independence, republics of Central Asia didn't have clear vision of their foreign policy, and their ties with Russia were still very strong and determined by common history and political culture, so Russia could do stronger impact on gaining beneficial pipelines routes, in that way eventually, strengthening its influence in world market of energy resources and also international politics. The President of Russian Federation Vladimir Putin greatly influenced Russian foreign politics based on energy resources and transportation routes, which helps Russia to regain influence in all other spheres. Western countries, and United States in the first place, acting on their own and through their partners, mainly Turkey, tied to gain greater influence in Central Asia through diversifying pipelines routes, and avoiding routes through Russian territory.[.].

During 2000 Finland and the USSR had special relations. Finland's foreign and defense policy was highly dependent on the USSR. Their cooperation went through four stages: starting from Finland being a part of Russian empire, to being one of the most important allies in the Western and Nordic Europe. The last period dates go back to the end of the Cold War. Finland come to conceive Russia not only as a threat to their homeland, but also as a possible partner and ally in helping to create secure community across the Baltic Sea region. The collapse of the former Soviet Union, the rise of new states in the neighborhood of Finland and the changed attitude of Russia towards Finland allowed Finns to adopt new defense and foreign policy. This allowed Finland to join the European Union and NATO program Partnership for Peace (PfP). Since 1991 Finns have paid a special attention towards the development of security in the Baltic Sea region, where the most important task was Russia's integration into European institutions and its democratization. Baltic Sea could become a bridge for achieving Russia's integration. Scandinavian countries, the Baltic States and Russia may turn the Baltic Sea region into a big economic and cultural network.[.].

During 2000 Finland and the USSR had special relations. Finland's foreign and defense policy was highly dependent on the USSR. Their cooperation went through four stages: starting from Finland being a part of Russian empire, to being one of the most important allies in the Western and Nordic Europe. The last period dates go back to the end of the Cold War. Finland come to conceive Russia not only as a threat to their homeland, but also as a possible partner and ally in helping to create secure community across the Baltic Sea region. The collapse of the former Soviet Union, the rise of new states in the neighborhood of Finland and the changed attitude of Russia towards Finland allowed Finns to adopt new defense and foreign policy. This allowed Finland to join the European Union and NATO program Partnership for Peace (PfP). Since 1991 Finns have paid a special attention towards the development of security in the Baltic Sea region, where the most important task was Russia's integration into European institutions and its democratization. Baltic Sea could become a bridge for achieving Russia's integration. Scandinavian countries, the Baltic States and Russia may turn the Baltic Sea region into a big economic and cultural network.[.].