Clan Struggle for Power – the Relation Between Domestic and Foreign Policy in Russia This thesis analyses the effect of clans on the Russian foreign policy formation. Based on the systematic process analysis method, the neo-classical theory of realism is used to trace the chain of causal relationships in which the clan's struggle is influencing foreign policy formation. The synthesis of neo-realism and state capacity analysis complements the approach of neoclassical realism theory. It is argued that the cluster of the leader images, where the role of clans is fundamental, plays an important role in the formation of Russian foreign policy. The struggle of the clans to establish themselves in the structures of the Russian government was the cornerstone of the transformation from pragmatist and a multipolar approach to the Russian foreign policy into a transimperialist approach.
Clan Struggle for Power – the Relation Between Domestic and Foreign Policy in Russia This thesis analyses the effect of clans on the Russian foreign policy formation. Based on the systematic process analysis method, the neo-classical theory of realism is used to trace the chain of causal relationships in which the clan's struggle is influencing foreign policy formation. The synthesis of neo-realism and state capacity analysis complements the approach of neoclassical realism theory. It is argued that the cluster of the leader images, where the role of clans is fundamental, plays an important role in the formation of Russian foreign policy. The struggle of the clans to establish themselves in the structures of the Russian government was the cornerstone of the transformation from pragmatist and a multipolar approach to the Russian foreign policy into a transimperialist approach.
Master thesis Russia - Georgia information warfare reflection in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by Vilija Navickaite the student of Vilnius university Communication faculty the Institute of Journalism, aims to analyze the case study of Russia Georgia information warfare reflection in selected Lithuania and Italian mass media. Five day war between Russia and Georgia held in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised the public sphere discussions on the reasons and consequences of two states confrontation. This statement was fundamental for the research main question uplift: which position Lithuanian and Italian mass media took in the Russia Georgia conflict and what reasons did it determine. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that Italian mass media was favourable to Russia's position considering official Italian Russian close relationship and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's ex president and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. By the other hand Lithuanian mass media should have been fovourable to Georgia's position considering common historical experience and the official Lithuania's government support to this country advocating in European Union and NATO membership procedure. In order to verify the selected hypothesis the research was based on information warfare and communication security theoretical concepts by using quantitative and qualitative analyses in empirical research of publications in selected Lithuanian and Italian mass media. In order to evaluate the hypothesis and achieve the paper aim, which is to find if there is a reflection of Russia Georgia information warfare in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research are the following: • determine the consequences of information warfare to the nation security and the theories of international relations; • dispute the concept of communication security in information age; • explore the concept of information warfare; • determine the media input in war conflict coverage; • explore the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: o analyze the publications of Lithuania mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; o analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; • Nustatyti, kokią poziciją palaikė tiek Lietuvos, tiek Italijos žiniasklaidos priemonės Rusijos Gruzijos konflikto atžvilgiu ir paaiškinti, kas lėmė tokios pozicijos atsiradimą. • Measure whether position was take by Italian and Lithuanian mass media in Russia Georgia conflict and what were the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research the evidence of information warfare is clear. From the quantitative analyses of Lithuanian mass media it was determinate that Lithuanian mass media position was favourable to Georgia' because of the historical linkage and the official Lithuanian government position. The case of Italian mass media research by the same method outcome the data telling that Italian mass media has taken neutral position. Such outcome come evident because of the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia, according to the media researches, was the war of "theirs" and that's way Italian mass media has taken the position only to fulfill its function – inform the society of happening events. According to the written above it can be stated that the hypothesis was approved only partly.
Master thesis Russia - Georgia information warfare reflection in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by Vilija Navickaite the student of Vilnius university Communication faculty the Institute of Journalism, aims to analyze the case study of Russia Georgia information warfare reflection in selected Lithuania and Italian mass media. Five day war between Russia and Georgia held in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised the public sphere discussions on the reasons and consequences of two states confrontation. This statement was fundamental for the research main question uplift: which position Lithuanian and Italian mass media took in the Russia Georgia conflict and what reasons did it determine. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that Italian mass media was favourable to Russia's position considering official Italian Russian close relationship and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's ex president and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. By the other hand Lithuanian mass media should have been fovourable to Georgia's position considering common historical experience and the official Lithuania's government support to this country advocating in European Union and NATO membership procedure. In order to verify the selected hypothesis the research was based on information warfare and communication security theoretical concepts by using quantitative and qualitative analyses in empirical research of publications in selected Lithuanian and Italian mass media. In order to evaluate the hypothesis and achieve the paper aim, which is to find if there is a reflection of Russia Georgia information warfare in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research are the following: • determine the consequences of information warfare to the nation security and the theories of international relations; • dispute the concept of communication security in information age; • explore the concept of information warfare; • determine the media input in war conflict coverage; • explore the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: o analyze the publications of Lithuania mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; o analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; • Nustatyti, kokią poziciją palaikė tiek Lietuvos, tiek Italijos žiniasklaidos priemonės Rusijos Gruzijos konflikto atžvilgiu ir paaiškinti, kas lėmė tokios pozicijos atsiradimą. • Measure whether position was take by Italian and Lithuanian mass media in Russia Georgia conflict and what were the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research the evidence of information warfare is clear. From the quantitative analyses of Lithuanian mass media it was determinate that Lithuanian mass media position was favourable to Georgia' because of the historical linkage and the official Lithuanian government position. The case of Italian mass media research by the same method outcome the data telling that Italian mass media has taken neutral position. Such outcome come evident because of the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia, according to the media researches, was the war of "theirs" and that's way Italian mass media has taken the position only to fulfill its function – inform the society of happening events. According to the written above it can be stated that the hypothesis was approved only partly.
Master thesis Russia - Georgia information warfare reflection in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by Vilija Navickaite the student of Vilnius university Communication faculty the Institute of Journalism, aims to analyze the case study of Russia Georgia information warfare reflection in selected Lithuania and Italian mass media. Five day war between Russia and Georgia held in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised the public sphere discussions on the reasons and consequences of two states confrontation. This statement was fundamental for the research main question uplift: which position Lithuanian and Italian mass media took in the Russia Georgia conflict and what reasons did it determine. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that Italian mass media was favourable to Russia's position considering official Italian Russian close relationship and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's ex president and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. By the other hand Lithuanian mass media should have been fovourable to Georgia's position considering common historical experience and the official Lithuania's government support to this country advocating in European Union and NATO membership procedure. In order to verify the selected hypothesis the research was based on information warfare and communication security theoretical concepts by using quantitative and qualitative analyses in empirical research of publications in selected Lithuanian and Italian mass media. In order to evaluate the hypothesis and achieve the paper aim, which is to find if there is a reflection of Russia Georgia information warfare in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research are the following: • determine the consequences of information warfare to the nation security and the theories of international relations; • dispute the concept of communication security in information age; • explore the concept of information warfare; • determine the media input in war conflict coverage; • explore the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: o analyze the publications of Lithuania mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; o analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; • Nustatyti, kokią poziciją palaikė tiek Lietuvos, tiek Italijos žiniasklaidos priemonės Rusijos Gruzijos konflikto atžvilgiu ir paaiškinti, kas lėmė tokios pozicijos atsiradimą. • Measure whether position was take by Italian and Lithuanian mass media in Russia Georgia conflict and what were the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research the evidence of information warfare is clear. From the quantitative analyses of Lithuanian mass media it was determinate that Lithuanian mass media position was favourable to Georgia' because of the historical linkage and the official Lithuanian government position. The case of Italian mass media research by the same method outcome the data telling that Italian mass media has taken neutral position. Such outcome come evident because of the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia, according to the media researches, was the war of "theirs" and that's way Italian mass media has taken the position only to fulfill its function – inform the society of happening events. According to the written above it can be stated that the hypothesis was approved only partly.
Master thesis Russia - Georgia information warfare reflection in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by Vilija Navickaite the student of Vilnius university Communication faculty the Institute of Journalism, aims to analyze the case study of Russia Georgia information warfare reflection in selected Lithuania and Italian mass media. Five day war between Russia and Georgia held in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised the public sphere discussions on the reasons and consequences of two states confrontation. This statement was fundamental for the research main question uplift: which position Lithuanian and Italian mass media took in the Russia Georgia conflict and what reasons did it determine. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that Italian mass media was favourable to Russia's position considering official Italian Russian close relationship and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's ex president and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. By the other hand Lithuanian mass media should have been fovourable to Georgia's position considering common historical experience and the official Lithuania's government support to this country advocating in European Union and NATO membership procedure. In order to verify the selected hypothesis the research was based on information warfare and communication security theoretical concepts by using quantitative and qualitative analyses in empirical research of publications in selected Lithuanian and Italian mass media. In order to evaluate the hypothesis and achieve the paper aim, which is to find if there is a reflection of Russia Georgia information warfare in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research are the following: • determine the consequences of information warfare to the nation security and the theories of international relations; • dispute the concept of communication security in information age; • explore the concept of information warfare; • determine the media input in war conflict coverage; • explore the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: o analyze the publications of Lithuania mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; o analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; • Nustatyti, kokią poziciją palaikė tiek Lietuvos, tiek Italijos žiniasklaidos priemonės Rusijos Gruzijos konflikto atžvilgiu ir paaiškinti, kas lėmė tokios pozicijos atsiradimą. • Measure whether position was take by Italian and Lithuanian mass media in Russia Georgia conflict and what were the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research the evidence of information warfare is clear. From the quantitative analyses of Lithuanian mass media it was determinate that Lithuanian mass media position was favourable to Georgia' because of the historical linkage and the official Lithuanian government position. The case of Italian mass media research by the same method outcome the data telling that Italian mass media has taken neutral position. Such outcome come evident because of the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia, according to the media researches, was the war of "theirs" and that's way Italian mass media has taken the position only to fulfill its function – inform the society of happening events. According to the written above it can be stated that the hypothesis was approved only partly.
The master's work describes dynamics of European Union political relations with the USA and Russia in 1990-2016. The presumption is made that politic and economic relations are inseparable in today's world. It is also considered that political decisions made in states has a visible influence for state economy. The first section quite consistently describes the theoretical part of work. This section is used to define the concept of terminology. International Political Economy theories were identified and applied for each selected research object. The model of International Relations was created in this section for understanding this complex academic approach. Classified theories helped to identify main approach of IR which was the base for further analysis. Each major theory of International Political Economy was integrated with selected states political models. The second part thoroughly describes the EU political relations with USA and Russia. Methodology is discussed in this chapter. Initially, it discusses a methodology and selected explanatory indicators used in the selection of the final project in the longer part of the study. The analyze of adopted resolutions and importance for transatlantic cooperations is deeply analyzed in this section. This chapter underlines the stability of political relations, both sides willingness to cooperate and to develop both political and economic relations. This section is also used for a distinction of important agreements that allow the further development of cooperation. In the light of today's events in the world, this chapter focus on Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership agreement. The positive effect on economic stability and political cooperation were identified. The rest part of this chapter is used to analyze in detail quite problematic relations between the Eu and Russia. Much attention is paid to the problems which have caused difficult political and economic cooperation. The huge attention is paid for the presidency of Vladimir Putin because of the notable changes in Russia's approach to the EU. Putin's policy defines the main characteristic features which can not be ignored. The model of essential difference promoters was created. Particular attention is given to the European Union and the United States sanctions against Russia. This chapter analyze in details the reasons for sanctions adaptation and their impact on the Russian economy. Also in this section is identified and analyzed how the European Union works as a unit consisting of 28 different countries. The biggest attention is paid for reasons weakening the impact of sanctions
The master's work describes dynamics of European Union political relations with the USA and Russia in 1990-2016. The presumption is made that politic and economic relations are inseparable in today's world. It is also considered that political decisions made in states has a visible influence for state economy. The first section quite consistently describes the theoretical part of work. This section is used to define the concept of terminology. International Political Economy theories were identified and applied for each selected research object. The model of International Relations was created in this section for understanding this complex academic approach. Classified theories helped to identify main approach of IR which was the base for further analysis. Each major theory of International Political Economy was integrated with selected states political models. The second part thoroughly describes the EU political relations with USA and Russia. Methodology is discussed in this chapter. Initially, it discusses a methodology and selected explanatory indicators used in the selection of the final project in the longer part of the study. The analyze of adopted resolutions and importance for transatlantic cooperations is deeply analyzed in this section. This chapter underlines the stability of political relations, both sides willingness to cooperate and to develop both political and economic relations. This section is also used for a distinction of important agreements that allow the further development of cooperation. In the light of today's events in the world, this chapter focus on Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership agreement. The positive effect on economic stability and political cooperation were identified. The rest part of this chapter is used to analyze in detail quite problematic relations between the Eu and Russia. Much attention is paid to the problems which have caused difficult political and economic cooperation. The huge attention is paid for the presidency of Vladimir Putin because of the notable changes in Russia's approach to the EU. Putin's policy defines the main characteristic features which can not be ignored. The model of essential difference promoters was created. Particular attention is given to the European Union and the United States sanctions against Russia. This chapter analyze in details the reasons for sanctions adaptation and their impact on the Russian economy. Also in this section is identified and analyzed how the European Union works as a unit consisting of 28 different countries. The biggest attention is paid for reasons weakening the impact of sanctions
The master's work describes dynamics of European Union political relations with the USA and Russia in 1990-2016. The presumption is made that politic and economic relations are inseparable in today's world. It is also considered that political decisions made in states has a visible influence for state economy. The first section quite consistently describes the theoretical part of work. This section is used to define the concept of terminology. International Political Economy theories were identified and applied for each selected research object. The model of International Relations was created in this section for understanding this complex academic approach. Classified theories helped to identify main approach of IR which was the base for further analysis. Each major theory of International Political Economy was integrated with selected states political models. The second part thoroughly describes the EU political relations with USA and Russia. Methodology is discussed in this chapter. Initially, it discusses a methodology and selected explanatory indicators used in the selection of the final project in the longer part of the study. The analyze of adopted resolutions and importance for transatlantic cooperations is deeply analyzed in this section. This chapter underlines the stability of political relations, both sides willingness to cooperate and to develop both political and economic relations. This section is also used for a distinction of important agreements that allow the further development of cooperation. In the light of today's events in the world, this chapter focus on Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership agreement. The positive effect on economic stability and political cooperation were identified. The rest part of this chapter is used to analyze in detail quite problematic relations between the Eu and Russia. Much attention is paid to the problems which have caused difficult political and economic cooperation. The huge attention is paid for the presidency of Vladimir Putin because of the notable changes in Russia's approach to the EU. Putin's policy defines the main characteristic features which can not be ignored. The model of essential difference promoters was created. Particular attention is given to the European Union and the United States sanctions against Russia. This chapter analyze in details the reasons for sanctions adaptation and their impact on the Russian economy. Also in this section is identified and analyzed how the European Union works as a unit consisting of 28 different countries. The biggest attention is paid for reasons weakening the impact of sanctions
The master's work describes dynamics of European Union political relations with the USA and Russia in 1990-2016. The presumption is made that politic and economic relations are inseparable in today's world. It is also considered that political decisions made in states has a visible influence for state economy. The first section quite consistently describes the theoretical part of work. This section is used to define the concept of terminology. International Political Economy theories were identified and applied for each selected research object. The model of International Relations was created in this section for understanding this complex academic approach. Classified theories helped to identify main approach of IR which was the base for further analysis. Each major theory of International Political Economy was integrated with selected states political models. The second part thoroughly describes the EU political relations with USA and Russia. Methodology is discussed in this chapter. Initially, it discusses a methodology and selected explanatory indicators used in the selection of the final project in the longer part of the study. The analyze of adopted resolutions and importance for transatlantic cooperations is deeply analyzed in this section. This chapter underlines the stability of political relations, both sides willingness to cooperate and to develop both political and economic relations. This section is also used for a distinction of important agreements that allow the further development of cooperation. In the light of today's events in the world, this chapter focus on Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership agreement. The positive effect on economic stability and political cooperation were identified. The rest part of this chapter is used to analyze in detail quite problematic relations between the Eu and Russia. Much attention is paid to the problems which have caused difficult political and economic cooperation. The huge attention is paid for the presidency of Vladimir Putin because of the notable changes in Russia's approach to the EU. Putin's policy defines the main characteristic features which can not be ignored. The model of essential difference promoters was created. Particular attention is given to the European Union and the United States sanctions against Russia. This chapter analyze in details the reasons for sanctions adaptation and their impact on the Russian economy. Also in this section is identified and analyzed how the European Union works as a unit consisting of 28 different countries. The biggest attention is paid for reasons weakening the impact of sanctions
The rapid growth of countries economy and politics, becomes an increasingly important issue for international trade. Nowadays, there are no countries that can achieve economic growth while not participating an being active in an international trade. In order to get better positions in global markets they become increasingly immersed in to the foreign trade policy processes. The rapid change in terms of trade causes the unionize of countries into different kinds of unions. RBK customs union it is not an exception. So, this work mostly focuses on the examination of this customs unions creation and functioning. The aim of this study is to analyze RBK customs unions functioning and influence on international trade and customs procedures. The comparative analyses of customs union was carried out in this work. It also evaluated the influence of RBK customs union to the Lithuanian international trade and customs procedures. Four methods were used, in order to examine and analyze this. That is: theoretical, analytical, empirical and concluding methods. According to these methods the first part of the work studies the theoretical aspect of modern international trade regulations, presents the formation of customs union and discusses Lithuania integration into the EU. The second part deals with the origin and establishment of RBK customs union, evaluates its functioning and development, analyses similarities and differences between EU and RBK customs unions. The third part discusses changes in Lithuania international trade with Russia and Belarus, examines the influence of RBK customs union on customs procedures and goods traffic. So, after the analyses and evaluation of the creation and functioning of RBK customs union, it's influence on international trade and customs procedures, some conclusions can be made. First of all, the creation of this customs union is new but very positive issue to Lithuanian and whole European region in international trade sphere. Even, after evaluating all the barriers of RBK customs union it improved customs control procedures in Russia and Belarus. The assessment of the relevance of the topic on customs unions influence on international trade and customs procedures would be appropriate to analyze further in other master's and bachelor's works, however, paying more attention to Kazakhstan. It would also be useful and appropriate to give more information to Lithuanian businessmen of logistics and subjects of international trade in Lithuania, on changes and perspectives of RBK customs union.
The rapid growth of countries economy and politics, becomes an increasingly important issue for international trade. Nowadays, there are no countries that can achieve economic growth while not participating an being active in an international trade. In order to get better positions in global markets they become increasingly immersed in to the foreign trade policy processes. The rapid change in terms of trade causes the unionize of countries into different kinds of unions. RBK customs union it is not an exception. So, this work mostly focuses on the examination of this customs unions creation and functioning. The aim of this study is to analyze RBK customs unions functioning and influence on international trade and customs procedures. The comparative analyses of customs union was carried out in this work. It also evaluated the influence of RBK customs union to the Lithuanian international trade and customs procedures. Four methods were used, in order to examine and analyze this. That is: theoretical, analytical, empirical and concluding methods. According to these methods the first part of the work studies the theoretical aspect of modern international trade regulations, presents the formation of customs union and discusses Lithuania integration into the EU. The second part deals with the origin and establishment of RBK customs union, evaluates its functioning and development, analyses similarities and differences between EU and RBK customs unions. The third part discusses changes in Lithuania international trade with Russia and Belarus, examines the influence of RBK customs union on customs procedures and goods traffic. So, after the analyses and evaluation of the creation and functioning of RBK customs union, it's influence on international trade and customs procedures, some conclusions can be made. First of all, the creation of this customs union is new but very positive issue to Lithuanian and whole European region in international trade sphere. Even, after evaluating all the barriers of RBK customs union it improved customs control procedures in Russia and Belarus. The assessment of the relevance of the topic on customs unions influence on international trade and customs procedures would be appropriate to analyze further in other master's and bachelor's works, however, paying more attention to Kazakhstan. It would also be useful and appropriate to give more information to Lithuanian businessmen of logistics and subjects of international trade in Lithuania, on changes and perspectives of RBK customs union.
The dissertation examines US democracy protection policy carried out in three post-Soviet countries that had been just moved away from autocratic rule: Russia in 1991-1996; Georgia in 2003-2008; and Ukraine in 2004-2009. It aims to answer the question whether US policy increased or decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation in new democracies. Based on theoretical insights from the disciplines of both comparative politics and international relations, two novel research instruments are developed: the 'two scales' model and the concept of pragmatic democracy protection policy. By employing these two research instruments, it is revealed that US national security interests have had a distorting impact on US democracy protection policy towards Russia, Georgia and Ukraine. Due to its interest in the cooperation with leaders in power, the US did not apply the principal of democratic conditionality in bilateral relations with the three post-Soviet countries and did not deter the non-democratic behaviour of their governments. Such US policy decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation. Furthermore, US security interests corrupted US-funded democracy assistance programmes in two out of three cases (in Russia and Georgia). Instead of enabling the opposition and civil society in new democracies, these programmes increased the asymmetry of political playing field and limited the capability of civil society to control the government. This also decreased the likelihood of the consolidation of new democracies.
The dissertation examines US democracy protection policy carried out in three post-Soviet countries that had been just moved away from autocratic rule: Russia in 1991-1996; Georgia in 2003-2008; and Ukraine in 2004-2009. It aims to answer the question whether US policy increased or decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation in new democracies. Based on theoretical insights from the disciplines of both comparative politics and international relations, two novel research instruments are developed: the 'two scales' model and the concept of pragmatic democracy protection policy. By employing these two research instruments, it is revealed that US national security interests have had a distorting impact on US democracy protection policy towards Russia, Georgia and Ukraine. Due to its interest in the cooperation with leaders in power, the US did not apply the principal of democratic conditionality in bilateral relations with the three post-Soviet countries and did not deter the non-democratic behaviour of their governments. Such US policy decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation. Furthermore, US security interests corrupted US-funded democracy assistance programmes in two out of three cases (in Russia and Georgia). Instead of enabling the opposition and civil society in new democracies, these programmes increased the asymmetry of political playing field and limited the capability of civil society to control the government. This also decreased the likelihood of the consolidation of new democracies.
The dissertation examines US democracy protection policy carried out in three post-Soviet countries that had been just moved away from autocratic rule: Russia in 1991-1996; Georgia in 2003-2008; and Ukraine in 2004-2009. It aims to answer the question whether US policy increased or decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation in new democracies. Based on theoretical insights from the disciplines of both comparative politics and international relations, two novel research instruments are developed: the 'two scales' model and the concept of pragmatic democracy protection policy. By employing these two research instruments, it is revealed that US national security interests have had a distorting impact on US democracy protection policy towards Russia, Georgia and Ukraine. Due to its interest in the cooperation with leaders in power, the US did not apply the principal of democratic conditionality in bilateral relations with the three post-Soviet countries and did not deter the non-democratic behaviour of their governments. Such US policy decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation. Furthermore, US security interests corrupted US-funded democracy assistance programmes in two out of three cases (in Russia and Georgia). Instead of enabling the opposition and civil society in new democracies, these programmes increased the asymmetry of political playing field and limited the capability of civil society to control the government. This also decreased the likelihood of the consolidation of new democracies.