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Decrees of Paul I, emperor of Russia, for the government of Courland. ; Manuscript notes on inside of back cover. ; Binder's title. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; With this is bound:Auszug aus der allgemeinen Verordnung über das Ausheben der Rekruten. Aus dem russischen übersetzt. Mitau, 1797.

In this paper, we argue that the ECB's unconventional monetary policy announcements have generated significant spillover effects in Russia and Eastern Europe. The hypothesis is tested using OLS estimations of event-based regressions on monetary policy event dummies and seven financial variables in eleven East European countries including Russia. Overall, the empirical results associate the ECB's unconventional policy announcements with the appreciation of East European currencies, rising stock market indices as well as falling long-term government bond yields and lower sovereign CDS spreads in Eastern Europe and Russia. Notably, bilateral integration with the eurozone is a key determinant of the strength of spillovers, with spillovers strongest in non-euro EU countries and weakest in non-EU East European countries. Interestingly, we find differentiated strength of spillovers to Russia compared to other non-EU East European countries, which we attribute to its fixed exchange rate regime. Lastly, we test for the presence of the portfolio rebalancing and confidence transmission channels.

Description based on: T. 1, no 2, published in 1859. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Split into: Zapiski Imperatorskoĭ akademīi nauk po Fiziko-matematicheskomu otdi︠e︡lenīi︠u︡. VIIIe série, and: Zapiski Imperatorskoĭ akademīi nauk po Istoriko-filologicheskomu otdi︠e︡lenīi︠u︡. VIIIe série. ; Formed by the union of: Mémoires de l'Académie impériale des sciences de St.-Pétersbourg. VIme série, Sciences mathématiques, physiques et naturelles. Premiére partie, Sciences mathématiques et physiques; Mémoires de l'Académie impériale des sciences de St.-Pétersbourg. VIme série, Sciences mathématiques, physiques et naturelles. Seconde partie, Sciences naturelles; Mémoires de l'Académie impériale des sciences de St.-Pétersbourg. VIme série, Sciences politiques, histoire, philologie; and: Mémoires de l'Académie impériale des sciences de Saint-Pétersbourg par divers savans et lus dans ses assemblées.

With Putin once again taking the reigns as Russia's president, it can be expected that the country will become a difficult partner for the West over the coming years. For if one reads the articles and statements by Putin during the electoral campaign, it can be surmised that he will shape his foreign policy around anti-Western rhetoric and great power blustering. It is necessary, however, that there be continued efforts with Russia under Putin 3.0 in order to dampen the systemic conflict over political order. As long as it remains an unresolved issue as to how the Euro-Atlantic security order incorporating Russia should be shaped, it will not be possible to fully realize the amount of security policy cooperation with Moscow necessary to address current local and global security challenges. The Georgian War of 2008 emphatically demonstrated that the fragile relationship can worsen and take on crisis proportions as long as a stable system for cooperative security does not exist with Russia

Occult and esoteric ideas became deeply embedded in Russian culture long before the Bolshevik Revolution. After the Revolution, occult ideas were manifested in literature, the humanities and the sciences as well. Although the Soviet government discouraged and eventually prohibited metaphysical speculation, that same government used the Occult for its own purposes and even funded research on it. In Stalin's time, occultism disappeared from public view, but it revived clandestinely in the post-Stalin Thaw and became a truly popular phenomenon in post-Soviet Russia. From cosmism to shamanism, from space exploration to Kabbalah, from neo-paganism to science fiction, the field is wide. Everyone interested in the occult and esoteric will appreciate this book, because it documents their continued importance in Russia and raises new issues for research and discussion. www.new-age-of-russia.com

Im Rahmen des Tempus-Projektes EcoBRU - Ecological Education for Belarus, Russia and Ukraine (Ökologische Bildung für Weißrussland, Russland und die Ukraine) - wurde eine Befragung zu Stand und Entwicklung ökologischer Bildung in den drei beteiligten Staaten durchgeführt. In der Totalerhebung sollten alle Partnereinrichtungen allen Dozenten und Studenten - unter diesen wurden die künftigen Lehrer gesondert angesprochen - einen auf die jeweilige Gruppe spezifizierten Fragebogen anbieten. Die Untersuchung basiert dabei auf den Erfahrungen, die am ITB mit Umweltbildung und Nachhaltigkeit in der Berufsbildung - einschließlich der Ausbildung von Berufsschullehrern - seit den neunziger Jahren gemacht wurden. Die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung bestätigen dabei einmal mehr, dass kaum etwas weniger nachhaltig ist, als politisch kraft Subventionen motivierte "Nachhaltigkeitsprojekte". Erst wenn ökologische Handlungsziele qualifikatorisch an berufliche Handlungskonzepte angebunden sind, kann auf Nachhaltigkeit gehofft werden. Dies ist als didaktisches Leitprinzip weder hierzulande noch in Osteuropa selbstverständlich. ; Bremen ; 62

Der Beitrag beschreibt die 'langen Wellen' und dauerhaften Prägungen, die Denunziation in der Gesellschaft und politischen Kultur Russlands seit der Oktoberrevolution hinterlassen haben. In Russland gab es, so die These der Autorin, eine lange Tradition kultureller Muster, an die das Denunziationsverhalten im Stalinismus anschließen konnten. Für die Durchführung der 'totalen' Kontrolle bedurfte es tausender Agenten und inoffizieller Mitarbeiter, die regelmäßig Nachforschungen in allen gesellschaftlichen Nischen der Sowjetunion durchführten. Alle, angefangen bei Stalin, sammelten kompromittierende Einzelheiten - einer gegen den anderen. Gleichzeitig war der Kontakt zu den staatlichen Organen gefährlich. Jede Zusammenarbeit war immer mit der Gefahr verbunden, selbst wegen Denunziation verhaftet zu werden. Erst mit der Perestroika änderten sich diese schizophrene Situation und das Klima des allgemeinen Misstrauens vollständig. In den Medien traten - in gutem ehemaligen stalinistischen Stil - Mitarbeiter mit öffentlichen Reuebekenntnissen auf. Zu einer wirklichen Vergangenheitsbewältigung und Wiedergeburt der Gesellschaft ist es für die Autorin jedoch bis jetzt nicht gekommen. ; In Russian history, there is a long tradition of denunciation dating back to the times of Peter I. In the revolutionary period beginning in the late 19th century, both rebels and the secret police reinforced these tendencies heavily which resulted in the critical atmosphere of the post-1917 years. During Stalinist rule, especially in the 1920s and 1930s, denunciations occurred in enormous numbers. Motives were different, and although ideological reasons were important, fear was the most essential stimulus for such behaviour, which climaxed during the Great Terror of 1936/37. The situation relaxed remarkably after Stalin's death, but the possibility of being denounced remained a fact in Soviet society until Perestrojka started in the early 1990s. Nevertheless, the still closed archives on the one hand and the fear of rising criminality on the other hand (against which undercover-agents might be valuable) are obstacles for a truly open debate on denunciation in Russian history.

An die russische Agrarreform der 1990er Jahre knüpfte sich die Erwartung, dass entsprechend der Erfahrung in westlichen Staaten landwirtschaftliche Familienbetriebe (Fermer-Betriebe) an die Stelle der staatlichen Großbetriebe treten und einen Aufschwung in der russischen Landwirtschaft auslösen würden. Entgegen dieser Erwartungen ist der russische Fermer-Sektor bis heute verhältnismäßig schwach entwickelt, während die Landwirtschaft als eines der wichtigsten Problemfelder der russischen Innenpolitik gilt. Im vorliegenden Discussion Paper werden die für die Entstehung des Fermer-Sektors relevanten Aspekte der russischen Agrarreform nachvollzogen sowie auf der Grundlage russischer Statistiken die gegenwärtige Lage der russischen Landwirtschaft analysiert. Im Discussion Paper werden weiterhin die in der russischen Debatte angeführten Argumente für die Überlegenheit von Fermer-Betrieben und verschiedene Erklärungsansätze für die eher unbedeutende Rolle des russischen Fermer-Sektors vorgestellt. ; The reform of Russian agriculture at the beginning of the 1990s was accompanied by high expectations towards the rapid establishment of private family farms. These farms were assumed to replace inefficient state farms and enhance the competitiveness of Russian agriculture. Despite these expectations, family farming is still a small sector in Russia, while agriculture remains one of the most critical problems in Russian politics. This discussion paper provides an overview of the relevant stages of agricultural reform during the 1990s. Based on Russian statistics, it provides an insight into the current state of Russian agriculture, which is characterised by the coexistence of the former kolkhozes and small household farms pursuing subsistence farming. Because the discussions on the intended fermerization of Russian agriculture have highly been ideologized, the paper provides some of the key arguments for family farming, which have been stressed in Russian discussions. The article concludes with several explanations for the modest growth of Russian family farming, including some approaches from social sciences, which should complement purely economic approaches.

At head of title: Grossfürst Nikolaj Michajlowitsch. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Translation of Kni͡az'i͡a Dolgorukie (transliterated). ; At head of title: Grossfürst Nikolaj Michajlowitsch. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; ALDERMAN: Library copy gift from the collection of Niklas von Schrenck-Notzing. ; ALDERMAN: Library copy gift from the collection of Niklas von Schrenck-Notzing. ; 2

Die "Gasabhängigkeit" Europas von Russland ist ein Scheinproblem. Es gibt gegenseitige Abhängigkeiten, die auch Russlands Handeln begrenzen. Für den Russlandexperten Roland Götz wird das politisch motivierte Vorantreiben einer von Russland unabhängigen Energieversorgung nicht nur erfolglos bleiben, sondern auch den Aufbau eines partnerschaftlichen Verhältnisses zwischen Europa und Russland erschweren.

When they joined the Council of Europe, neither Turkey nor Russia were constitutional states. They were accepted in order to promote their passage to liberal constitutional statehood. This strategy has failed, however. Russia and Turkey are authoritarian states, the leaders of which call the goals of the Council of Europe democracy, constitutional statehood and human rights into question. The distance between the Council of Europe and the two states is growing. Following Russia's annexation of Crimea, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe deprived the Russian delegation of its voting rights. While Turkey has reduced its level of contributions, Russia has ceased to pay them entirely. In Moscow and Ankara, some politicians are demanding a withdrawal from the Council of Europe and the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. However, the people who would suffer most from a withdrawal or an exclusion would be the victims of human rights abuses in Russia and Turkey.

In this research, I explore the emergence of environmental certification and labeling as a private market-driven instrument of global environmental governance and its implementation in local settings outside advanced industrial economies. I conceptualize the emergence of private regulation as an active institution-building that occurs at two levels. At the transnational level, formal substantive and procedural rules and organizational forms are constructed and legitimated. At the domestic level, the implementation of rules defined as a process of translation of transnational rules into on-the-ground practices occurs. Building on an extensive study of forest certification and labeling, I show that at the transnational level, institution-building is driven by problem-solving and conflict-settlement efforts of transnational actors embedded into a larger discursive context of neoliberal globalization and sustainable development. Furthermore, I show that at the domestic level, the implementation is not a straight-forward execution of transnational rules imposed by powerful transnational actors – e.g., international NGOs, multinationals or international organizations. Rather, local actors negotiate the ways in which transnational standards are implemented locally in both formal and informal settings, and thereby settle political conflicts over natural resource management and construct new knowledge (learning) related to standard implementation and good natural resource management. They use both global ideas reflected in transnational standards and locally available concepts and practices as building blocks, and combine them in various ways in order to construct new knowledge. I, therefore, emphasize stakeholder interest negotiation and collective learning as core social processes which enable the translation of transnational standards into on-the-ground practices. The research also evaluates the effectiveness of forest certification and labeling and argues that forest certification has had a positive but limited impact on corporate on-the-ground practices. I identify two factors that limit the effectiveness of certification and labeling: national institutional and legal context and the market nature of private regulatory approaches.

Russland sieht in der Shanghai-Gruppe ein wichtiges außen- und sicherheitspolitisches Instrument. Damit sollen sowohl das internationale Profil verbessert als auch militärische Interessen (Waffenexporte) umgesetzt werden. Obwohl sich das Verhältnis zu China deutlich verbesserte, ist es russisches Interesse, mittels der SCO Chinas Einfluss in Zentralasien zu begrenzen. Angesichts der strategischen Differenzen zwischen Moskau und Peking stellt sich das Problem des möglichen Bruchs der Shanghai-Gruppe.

Alienated fragmented identity in case of the state and nation is analyzed through cultural identity, selfidentification in historical, geopolitical, and political contexts. The main question is how a nation should stay as it was when all around there are huge political, economic, and social changes? What is the influence of internal and extern al structures in shaping the relationship between perceptions of national identity, culture, "foreign"? And what are the manifestations and consequences of real policy (that is based on mythical thinking) on the process of state and nation formation? One of the most interesting and important objects of analysis of alienated identity in the context of states and nations is Russia. This multicultural, multireligious giant constructed by coincidences, wars and aggression and having a unique cultural and historical heritage lacks only one thing – clear autoidentification.