Suchergebnisse

It was one of the defining features of the soviet system that it allowed no legal challenge to party dominance. Elections took place at regular intervals; but from an early stage they were based upon a single slate of candidates, the 'bloc of Communists and nonparty people'. Voting was not compulsory, but it was difficult to avoid – canvassers went from house to house, ballot boxes were set up in hospitals, long-distance trains and polar observatories, and constituency officials competed with each other for the highest turnout. In theory it was possible to vote against, but this meant using the screened-off booth in the polling station, since a vote in favour, with a single candidate system, could be cast without marking the ballot paper or even looking at it. Some called these 'Elections Paradise-style: as God said to Adam, "Here is Eve, the woman of your choice"'. Bertolt Brecht, commenting on the leaf lets that had been distributed in East Berlin after the rising of 1953 which announced that the people had forfeited the government's confidence and could 'only win it back by redoubled labour', put it more directly. 'Wouldn't it be simpler,' he asked, 'if the government dissolved the people and elected another?'

Europe's future will be shaped by one of two very different paths: either by the divisive intolerance that left Bosnia in ruins or by the democratic integration to which most nations in this region aspire. For the right choice to prevail, there is a challenge you must meet, a challenge the United States must meet, and a challenge we must meet together.

For a considerable part of the political opposition in Russia, elections have been something to be watched from the sidelines. While opposition candidates are formally blocked for legal-administrative reasons, they have repeatedly claimed that registration refusals are politically motivated and that election committees apply the law differently depending on the candidates' political affiliation. By analyzing the perceptions of double standards as well as actual enforcement practice and structural incentives, this article identifies the core mechanics of this quasi-legal mechanism of political pre-election filtering in Russian elections. [Copyright The Regents of the University of California; published by Elsevier Ltd.]

For a considerable part of the political opposition in Russia, elections have been something to be watched from the sidelines. While opposition candidates are formally blocked for legal-administrative reasons, they have repeatedly claimed that registration refusals are politically motivated and that election committees apply the law differently depending on the candidates' political affiliation. By analyzing the perceptions of double standards as well as actual enforcement practice and structural incentives, this article identifies the core mechanics of this quasi-legal mechanism of political pre-election filtering in Russian elections.

The representativeness of the Soviet system of government can best be ascertained, not through abstract inquiry into constitutional provisions, but by means of an analysis of the electorate and of the elected. Only in this way can the contentions of Soviet apologists and theoreticians be given an adequate test of reality. Simultaneously, such data should disclose a number of sociological and psychological implications. A recent publication of the Central Electoral Commission of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of the U.S.S.R. gives a comprehensive view of the electorate and of the elected in the elections of Soviets held in the year 1931.

The word 'democracy' has predominantly negative connotations when referring to its practical implementation in Russia. However, Russians are favourable to the idea of democracy in principle, and support the establishment of genuine democracy in the country. Beliefs that elections ensure accountability of elected officials, allow public input on the policy direction of government, and give personal benefits to individuals would help to increase acceptance of the value of Russian democracy. A combination of factors, however, makes it doubtful that the current negative attitudes can be overcome quickly.

Cover -- Front matter -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Contents -- List of Contributors -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Introduction -- Part I: Elections in Russia and the USSR: A Historical Overview -- 2 Elections in Russian and Early Soviet History -- 3 Reforming the Soviet Electoral System -- Part II: The 1993 Election Campaign -- 4 Overview of the Campaign -- Part ill: Influences and Trends of the 1993 Campaign -- 5 Media Coverage in the Elections -- 6 Parties and Voters in the Elections -- 7 Stabilization or Stagnation? A Regional Perspective -- Part IV: The Framework of a New Political Order -- 8 The Development of the Russian Party System: Did the Elections Change Anything? -- 9 The Presidency and Political Leadership in Post-Communist Russia -- 10 The Legacy of Leninist Enforced De-participation -- 11 Conclusion -- Appendix: Electoral Associations and their Programmes -- Index -- Back cover.

This article examines the December 2, 2007 State Duma elections in Russia in terms of their significance and implications for Russian politics. The article argues that the success of the United Russia party in the State Duma elections created the most conducive conditions for Vladimir Putin's handling of the presidential succession problem in 2008. By keeping the State Duma under the control of his Tarty of Power: Vladimir Putin became able to nominate his close ally Dmitry Medvedev to the Presidency since the election results enabled him to use the State Duma to counterbalance the overwhelming presidential power which will be transferred to Dmitry Medvedev in 2008. The article begins by examining the significance and the actual organization of the December 2, 2007 State Duma elections in Russia. On the basis of the analysis of the election results, the article goes on to discuss the implications of the December 2, 2007 State Duma elections for Russian politics.

Sarah Oates gives a detailed examination on a central theme in political science: the relationship between democracy and the mass media. This significant book contains a wealth of information and data, including: public opinion surveys, content analysis of television news, focus groups and in-depth interviews to examine why political parties and the mass media failed so spectacularly to aid in the construction of a democratic system in Russia. The analysis presents compelling evidence that television helped to tune out democracy as it served as a tool for leaders rather than a conduit of in.

The Russian political system needs elections. Especially at the regional level, they serve to cultivate loyalty and as an initiation ritual for governors, their aides, and local power brokers.