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This study examined the role of an international Agency (USAID) and Democratic Election; A Prognosis to the role of Security Personnel in Nigerian 2015 Elections. USAID and other international Agencies have relentlessly assisted both the emerging and consolidating democracies such as Nigeria, in conducting free and fair elections via provision of some forms of technical assistance so as to achieve credible elections and ensure improved governance but in spite of all these, events and happenings from developed democracies and across the globe have shown that the vitality of election security to the credibility of elections cannot be ignored because the conduct of free and fair elections to a large extent depend on the security system available in the country. This study anchored on Elite theory propounded by Paredo and Gaetano with descriptive qualitative method of data collection and Content analysis. It discovered that the fact that consistently undermined democratic consolidation in Nigeria is the varying degrees and measures of electoral violence so it therefore recommends that impartial and unbiased security agencies should be recruited for each election in order to prevent the reoccurrence of electoral violence during each election.

This article discusses election governance based on public participation with qualitative research methods, the approach used in case studies in West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) Province, the region is one of thirty-four province in Indonesia. Governance is an approach that is considered relevant, because election governance is its manifestation. The results show that the Regional of General Election Commission of NTB as the authority of election organizers succeeded in building a model of election governance based on public participation through three strategies, namely the movement to protect suffrage, family-based voter education, and voter education based on educational institutions. These three models are designed through three approaches, namely multi-stakeholder partnership, convergence, safety and public health of disaster areas. The methods of implementation include; short videos about elections, consistent use of mass media and continuous election classes. The impact of the public participation-based election governance model in NTB is that the number of public participation in 2019 Elections increased to 82 percent compared to 2014 Election of 77.32 percent where the model has not been implemented. The obstacles faced in building participatory-based election governance are two, namely; the issue of legitimacy provided by the Electoral Law and has not been made the education of voters as core business of General Commission Election, while voter education is an effective instrument in developing public participation. The solution is necessary to change article 3 and article 15 (Presiden Republik Indonesia, 2017) on the elections to include participation as the principle of organizing elections. In addition, voter education should be the core business from the national to the regions.

This paper examines the impact of undecided voters in elections campaigns in Israel. The question asked here is if undecided voters can break the political dead-lock which became evident in four consecutive elections in just two years – between 2019 and 2021. The paper argues that the crucial role of undecided voters is the result of four main developments. The first is the multi-party parliamentary system, which allows the voters to swing between different parties and influence on handful of options to form coalition government. The parliamentary system emphasizes the excessive and crucial role of small parties to determine who will be in power – which means that they are in a position to impose their extreme ideology on the entire society. The second is that participation in elections is constantly declining, increasing the impact of motivated voters who follow the campaigns closely before making their final decision. The fact that this audience is persuaded by specific events and not by ideology or social identity allows to maximize the impact of their vote. The third is related to technological and cultural changes. Digital and social media have become popular among Israeli young people and first time voters, allowing them to promote new social and political behavior and bypass the censorship of traditional media and the traditional ideology of non-first time voters and the old political establishment.

Election remains the most peaceful means of instituting and institutionalizing democratic government. Liberal democratic theorists argue on the primacy of election as an essential element of democracy. Since the commencement of the Fourth Republic, Nigeria had conducted six successive elections to deepen democratic rule. However, election postponement is fast becoming a recurring decimal in the political landscape. Taken 2019 General election as a unit of analysis, this paper examined the implication of election postponement on the future of democracy in Nigeria. Data were generated from secondary sources, including Textbooks, Journals and Internet, to provide information on the concept of Democracy and 2019 elections. These were subjected to descriptive and content analysis. 2019 Election postponement had cost Nigeria political, economic and social fortunes. It had undermined the integrity of the electoral process resulting in voter apathy. Nigeria lost billions of naira as a result of shutdown of businesses. It resulted in additional financial burden in the conduct of the election. The paper recommends that Nigeria's Electoral Management body needs to be re-engineered to be able to cope with responsibility of conducting election on schedule. Private institutions should be strategically employed to engage in election logistics such as handling of sensitive materials and on-time delivery of these materials. Also, there is need to give a thoughtful consideration to electronic voting, that should take care of the logistics problem of conducting election in Nigeria.

Direct elections for regional heads by the people began after the issuance of Law no. 32 of 2004 concerning Regional Government. After the implementation of direct regional head elections by the people for 12 years, there were pros and cons regarding the implementation of direct regional head elections so that Law No. 22 of 2014 concerning the Regional Head Election in a representative manner by the DPRD which was later canceled through Government Regulation in Lieu of Law (Perpu) No. 1 of 2014 concerning Direct Regional Head Election by the People. The issuance of a Government Regulation in Lieu of a Law is intended so that democracy at the regional or local level can develop where regional people can directly elect their leaders at the regional or local level. This research is a normative legal research where the focus of the study is the norms contained in Perpu No. 1 of 2014 which returns the regional head elections directly elected by the local people. This research approach uses a qualitative juridical approach, namely examining from the legal side in addition to providing explanations regarding the considerations issued by the president's Perpu and the public's response to direct regional head elections. The purpose of this study is to determine the process of regional head elections that are directly elected by the local people so that the development of democracy at the local level can run well. The results obtained from this research are that direct regional head elections by the local people reflect more of a democratic nature than through representation and are in accordance with the wishes of the constitution that sovereignty is in the hands of the people.

This essay presents a case study (the 2020 Presidential Election in the United States) in order to analyzing ongoing changes at domestic politics and foreign relations of a world superpower. It portrays a qualitative analysis informed by a bibliographic revision of the aforementioned topics. 2020 began with President Donald Trump dully avoiding an impeachment trial and trumpeting his divisive economic achievements (at the expenses of World Trade Organization and US partners). His mastery of a self-professed "art of the deal" at least seemed plausible as a set of political stunts. On the other hand, the Democratic Party remained splintered. The impeachment attempt put the party on the back foot, propelling POTUS' premature campaigning. With populism on the rise on the world stage, for a while – it seemed – Trump could stand a chance at reelection. At the shadow of a global epidemic, Trump's walls and fiery unilateralism fell down pretty quickly.

: Employing a qualitative approach, the present study outlooks the political participation of people in Denpasar, Bali, with regard to the 2020 regional head election in the city during COVID-19 pandemic. Data were garnered through observation and documentation. The findings of this study informed that societies participated in the election with the belief that their interest are accommodated by political parties. Although the election was done during pandemic, the stakeholders carried out strict health protocol of COVID-19 in order to prevent the virus dissemination among societies. Based on the findings, this study suggest that the regional head election has an impact on the relationship between political parties at the regional level and the central level, in which, the central executive board always exercises hegemony towards regional party administrators in providing support recommendations for regional head candidates. KEYWORDS: political participation, Balinese, r

Nigeria and Nigerians have witnessed different kinds of electoral frauds since the return to democracy in 1999. Counting from the 1999 general election in Nigeria, the 2019 general election is the 6th general elections conducted in the country. Unfortunately, none of these elections have been considered to be free and fair as there are always public outcries from one end to another against the results of the elections as a result of lack of transparency in the process. Drawing from this background, this study, examines whether heavy use of WhatsApp platforms by different political parties in the election encouraged popular participation and effective monitoring of the electoral processes. The study which examined a total of 318 respondents sampled from select WhatsApp groups of the two leading political parties adopted the survey research method with the social media engagement and technological acceptance theories as its theoretical framework to ascertain whether the use of WhatsApp platforms by political parties encouraged popular participation among the electorate and determine if WhatsApp platforms were helpful to parties in monitoring the 2019 general election as well as its processes. Findings revealed that WhatsApp use encouraged popular participation and electoral process monitoring. The researchers recommended that the political parties and the electoral umpire should engage more in the use of social media platforms in passing information during, on and after election to encourage transparency in leadership

,Ex-convicts must wait for a five-year gap after passing their prison term and announce their background if they want to run for governor, regent, or mayor, according to the Constitutional Court's decision Number 56/PUU-XVII/2019. The election of regional heads is an activity in the context of implementing a government system in the form of democracy. In the implementation of regional head elections, to get quality regional leaders, it takes qualified candidates promoted by political parties as well as those who run independently. Among the requirements for a regional head candidate, both at the provincial and district/city levels, a candidate must not be in a status of an ex-convict. The research method in this research was normative juridical. This research shows that based on the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, ex-convicts are also citizens who have the same political rights as other citizens. The existence of a provision that is a requirement to run as a candidate for the regional head in the election clearly limits or even negates a person's right to participate in exercising their rights. The decision of Constitutional Court No.42/PUUXIII/2015 states that ex-convicts can participate in regional head elections with certain conditions.

Indonesia is one of the largest democratic countries in the world and has held 11 general elections nationally. Nonetheless, the electoral process with ballot paper is deemed convoluted, prone to manipulation, requires massive resources and lengthy process and spent extravagant state budget. Electronic voting (e-voting) has been implemented in more than 26 countries, and India has achieved terrific success in 2019 with more than 900 million voters. E-voting in India has answered convoluted and high cost of election problems, and the VVPAT (voter-verified paper audit trail) technology helped prevent fraud potential and manipulation. This study examines the policy transfer of e-voting technology from India into Indonesia's jurisdiction and political context by using literature study and secondary sources of data to support the arguments. The key findings are that e-voting serves a constitutional electoral system that defends effective and efficient democratic election, reduces the margin of error in voting, counting, recapitulation, and significantly reduces the probability of invalid votes, effectively hindering fraudulent practices like vote-buying during recapitulation and preventing dropping illegal ballots into the ballot box. Moreover, e-voting technology also corresponds with High Court No.147/PUU-VII/2009, and if implemented with adequate technology, software and human resources, this method could secure the tenets of direct, general, free, confidential, honesty and fairness.

Elections are the backbone of democracy. It is through elections that individuals assert their voice, their perspectives, and choose a person whose philosophies most complement them. Elections allow citizens to choose their representatives. They are also important for the people to express their resentment at the ruling government. When there is high voter participation, the election process is considered successful. Unfortunately, developing countries such as India are facing a decline in the turnout. People in rural areas move to metropolitan cities or other countries, in most developing countries to make their livelihood or schooling. During elections, visiting their hometown and casting their votes becomes burdensome for them because of their commitment to their workplace. Challenges in moving to poll places and sometimes adverse weather conditions, cause people to miss the chance to choose the candidate of their choice. People with disabilities and senior citizens also refuse to go to the polling station due to travel-related difficulty. Therefore, many elections record only 50-70 percent electoral turnout, sometimes, even less than 50%. Only when all eligible voters are granted fair opportunities to exercise their franchise then only such a democratic system is considered fool proof. The need for the hour is such a fool proof framework that enables all eligible voters to cast their vote by visiting Polling Station or doing so remotely. This paper proposes a conceptual framework for the Integrated, Smart, and Secure Remote Public Voting System (SSRPVS) that allows voters from any part of India to exercise their franchise without moving place to place and wasting time and money. To develop the Framework, emerging technologies such as IoT, Cloud Computing, Edge Computing, Blockchain, and Data Analytics are included. The system will guarantee security through four different levels, Smart Voting Card based on RFID, One Time Password, Thumb Recognition, and Retina Recognition. The only theoretical model of the ...

If there was a referendum in Mozambique today, an overwhelming majority of the people would vote against their government having anything to do with the current model of democracy. They know all too well that there has definitely been a considerable welfare reduction to them as a result of the way this thing called "Representative Democracy" has been being played out in their country during the past decade. There is no doubt that the overwhelming majority of the Mozambican people if not, most African governments would prefer to see fundamental changes in their countries' relations with this Western model of democracy. There is a virtual consensus among the general public, vocally expressed in the local media, as well as among officials, who naturally prefer putting forth their views in more private settings, that the relationship between citizen and the democratic institutions has been detrimental to the country, that far from helping it to become politically and economically viable, these institutions have been capitalising on, exacerbating and perpetuating Mozambique's crisis. The research was based on participant observation, and it also involved a bibliographic review of relevant documents in the area of political participation, philosophy and other documents such as the 2004 Constitution of the Republic of Mozambique, Mozambican legislation, reports and research already published by other organizations.

The goal of the election is not only to determine the outcomes but also to lend credence to the winners, even for those voters who did not bother voting for them. This underlines the necessity of holding free, fair, and hidden elections. Component of all this is that elections are controlled by open and accountable, neutral, and autonomous electoral-management bodies. Utilizing technology in voting procedures can make it quicker, more efficient, and less susceptible to security breaches. The technology can ensure the safety of every vote, better and faster and much more accurate counting and automatic tallying. The design of a sophisticated voting system is a complex task as it has to fulfill several essential criteria. The secrecy of an elector's poll is to be well-preserved. The voting system should not give any evidence that proves which candidate receives a particular voter's vote. The process uses minimum paper documents and is therefore environmentally friendly. Bio-metric or retina scans can be used to ensure security. The e-voting system is vulnerable to several serious attacks from external sources. There is indeed a likelihood that anybody who has immediate access to the e-voting system can access it suspiciously. Malevolent software can steal one candidate's votes and assign them to some other. An attacker may deny officials access to the e-voting arrangement or render an e-voting structure unavailable for the Election Day voting process. This is known as a service denial (DoS) attack. But this kind of threat is hard to detect. A large number of questionable and invalid votes are the big problem with traditional paper-ballot based voting system. This phenomenon will be eliminated if the e-voting system is used. In addition to the speed of counting and reduction of errors the e-voting system offers some more advantages such as accessibility, verifiability, and availability. When the e-voting system is integrated with the Internet, any eligible voter can vote from anywhere as there will be two or more ...

Security of e-projecting a surveying structure systems does not just depend on the democratic protocol1 or the software used yet concerns the whole system with every one of its components. To guarantee security a widely inclusive methodology, which considers all pieces of an especially complex system, ought to be chosen. The security of an election system can't be ensured unless every single element and its security related characteristics, interfaces to other elements, and their effect on the whole system are examined. This paper presents the E-Voting System Security Optimization method, which is based on such a methodology and was developed to evaluate the security of e-projecting a voting structure systems. This method brings up security defects, shows security advancement potential, and can be used to compare different election systems. The methodology differs from other approaches to the extent that it uses a comprehensive methodology, visualizes the security circumstance of an e-projecting a surveying structure system clearly, and shows its potential for improvement.

"The Supreme Court is final not because it is infallible; but it is infallible because it is final" – this status quo of the Supreme Court of Nigeria and its application in various electoral cases, especially in the just concluded 2019 general elections in Nigeria has aroused mixed feelings and raised questions on the credibility of the Nigerian Judiciary and its capability of enshrining sustainable democracy in Nigeria. Meanwhile, according to the report of the Kayode Eso Panel on Reform of the Judiciary, the mindset of an average Nigerian is that "the Nigerian Judiciary hardly redeems itself from the unfortunate image it acquired during the military interregnum when it was described as a judiciary in patent chaos, riddled with corrupt Judges and in need of urgent and radical reform". This study which sought to explore the infallibility of the Supreme Court and sustainable democracy in Nigeria; the effect of the infallibility of the Supreme Court verdicts on sustainable democracy in Nigeria; and the effects of bribery and corruption of the Supreme Court Justices on sustainable democracy in Nigeria, is an exploratory research which employed qualitative method of research and adopted the Transitional Jurisprudence Model as propounded by Ruti Teitel (2015) to analyze these. The study found that the bribery and corruption of the Supreme Court Justices has significant effect on sustainable democracy in Nigeria; and that the infallibility of the Supreme Court verdicts have significant effect on sustainable democracy in Nigeria. The study recommends among others that there is need for the independence and accountability of the Judiciary with the other arms of the government in Nigeria.