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Izbori, izborni modeli i neka evropska iskustva ; Elections, Election Models and Some European Examples
Izbori su za politologiju nadasve relevantna tema. Po autorovom mišljenju, tek slobodni demokratski izbori omogućuju politologiju kao znanost. U nedemokratskim porecima politologija nema nikakve perspektive jer jednostavno nema predmeta istraživanja. Definirajući najprije osnovne pojmove izbora, izbornih sustava, birača i biračkog prava autor objašnjava proporcionalni i većinski izborni sustav, njihove prednosti i mane, ilustrirajući ih na evropskim izbornim iskustvima. Na kraju autor upozorava na suvremenu krizu parlamentarizma čije ishodište je tehnokratsko ustrojstvo suvremenog društva. Po autorovom mišljenju, tehnokratsko ustrojstvo suvremenog društva i države nastoji izbjeći demokratskoj kontroli i iako je ona zajamčena ustavom. Autor smatra da izbori u Hrvatskoj potvrđuju tezu o tehnokratizaciji društva i kao da navješćuju mogućnost buduće jasne podjele na elitu i masu kao i mogućnost latentnog ili otvorenog tehnokratskog totalitarizma. ; Elections are an extremely relevant theme to politology. According to the author, only free democrat ic elect ions render politology feasible as a science. In undemocratic orders politology has no perspective because it is deprived of its subject of research. Defining first the following basic concepts - elect ions, elect ion systems, voters and voters' rights, the author describes the election systems based on the principles of proportion and majority rule, their advantages and disadvantages, illustrating them with examples from the European experience in elections. Finally, the author calls attention to the contemporary crisis of parliamentarism whose origins are in the technocratic organization of contemporary society. According to the author, the technocratic organization of contemporary society and state tends to avoid democratic control although it is guaranteed by the constitution. The author believes that the elections in Croatia confirm the thesis of the technocratization of society and seem to announce the possibility of a clear-cut distribution into elites and masses in the future, as well as the possibility of a latent or open technocratic totalitarism.
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Elections in Africa. A Data Handbook
In: Politicka misao, Band 37, Heft 2, S. 207-208
Leader's Personalities and Outcomes of Democratic Elections
In: Politicka misao, Band 40, Heft 3, S. 189-191
Russia and the Balkans: Foreign Policy from Yeltsin to Putin
In: Polemos: časopis za interdisciplinarna istraživanja rata i mira ; journal of interdisciplinary research on war and peace, Band 12, Heft 24, S. 97-99
ISSN: 1331-5595
Konflikti u izbornom procesu ; Conflicts in the Process of Election
There are varied institutional forms (formal and informal) in which electoral (political) subjects take part in elections. Elections for assemblies show that the actions of such subjects are differently motivated, and also that their approach during conflict or cooperation in the realization of their wishes is different. Thus conflict situations, »election scandals«, occur sporadically. Such conflicts are an expression and a result of contradictory desires and actions of the participants. The significance and effect of an electoral conflict is conditioned and determined by the (political) significance of the elections themselves, not only in the sense that they are formally one of the basic constitutive elements of the political system, but first and foremost because they are the form in which citizens are active in politics. Following the procedure in election the author has tried to reveal the basic actors in electoral conflicts, the content of their conflict and the form it takes. In the author's opinion it is wrong to pass an a priori judgement of the character and value of electoral »cases« (negative judgements have usually been passed), the foundation of the conflict and the character and orientation of the persons involved, who do not seek for affirmation of their political value in the strength of arguments and objective achievement. We can understand and solve the ambivalent character of such conflicts, and the political behavior of their participants, only after studying the case. There will be a smaller number of »cases« and electoral conflicts, and they will be less complicated, the more consistently we free ourselves from varied formal-legal and political restraints, and the more society takes on the characteristics of self-managing and democratic socialism. Conflicts of this type are not the result of democracy. They are the result of its insufficient development or presence, thus making it subject to misunderstanding, searching and abuse.
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Suradnja Europske unije i Rusije ; Colaboration between European Union and Russia
Suradnja EU–a i Rusije pruža europskom kontinentu i šire mnoge prilike. Istočno partnerstvo predstavlja glavnu poveznicu ali i područje prepreka Rusije i EU–a jer dijele zajedničko susjedstvo sa zemljama koje nisu članice EU–a a niti žele biti pod kontinuiranim utjecajem Rusije. Za zemlje koje nisu članice EU–a, EU je razvila Europsku politiku susjedstva putem koje surađuje sa južnim i istočnim susjedima kako bi postigla blisku i stabilnu političku zajednicu i najviši mogući stupanj ekonomske integracije. Rusija nije članica ovog instrumenta već je s EU-om razvila četiri zajednička prostora, ekonomski prostor, prostor slobode, sigurnosti i pravde, prostor vanjske sigurnosti i prostor istraživanja i obrazovanja te kulturnih aspekata. Najvažnija područja suradnje EU–a i Rusije jesu ona u energetskom sektoru pri kojem ima usuglašen Akcijski plan do 2050. godine te suradnja u području znanosti, tehnologije i inovacija što je među glavnim prioritetima Europe 2020 te je Rusiji bitno i jačanje razvoja istraživačke infrastrukture. ; Cooperation between European Union and Russia offers plenty opportunities to European continent and beyond its boundaries. Eastern Partnership is the main connection but also a barrier of Russia and EU because of their common neighbourhood with countries which are not members of the EU, and also do not want to be under continuous Russian influence. For countries that are not members of the EU, European Union developed European Neighbourhood Policy which cooperates with South and East neighbours so it could achieve close and sustainable political community and the highest possible level of economic integration. Russia is not a member of this instrument but instead it developed four common spaces with EU, economic space, freedom, security and justice, external security and research and education, including cultural aspects. The most important areas of cooperation between the two sides are the one in energy sector with established Roadmap until 2050, cooperation in science, technology and innovation which is included as the main priority of Europe 2020 and it is also important the development of the research infrastructure in Russia.
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Suradnja Europske unije i Rusije ; Colaboration between European Union and Russia
Suradnja EU–a i Rusije pruža europskom kontinentu i šire mnoge prilike. Istočno partnerstvo predstavlja glavnu poveznicu ali i područje prepreka Rusije i EU–a jer dijele zajedničko susjedstvo sa zemljama koje nisu članice EU–a a niti žele biti pod kontinuiranim utjecajem Rusije. Za zemlje koje nisu članice EU–a, EU je razvila Europsku politiku susjedstva putem koje surađuje sa južnim i istočnim susjedima kako bi postigla blisku i stabilnu političku zajednicu i najviši mogući stupanj ekonomske integracije. Rusija nije članica ovog instrumenta već je s EU-om razvila četiri zajednička prostora, ekonomski prostor, prostor slobode, sigurnosti i pravde, prostor vanjske sigurnosti i prostor istraživanja i obrazovanja te kulturnih aspekata. Najvažnija područja suradnje EU–a i Rusije jesu ona u energetskom sektoru pri kojem ima usuglašen Akcijski plan do 2050. godine te suradnja u području znanosti, tehnologije i inovacija što je među glavnim prioritetima Europe 2020 te je Rusiji bitno i jačanje razvoja istraživačke infrastrukture. ; Cooperation between European Union and Russia offers plenty opportunities to European continent and beyond its boundaries. Eastern Partnership is the main connection but also a barrier of Russia and EU because of their common neighbourhood with countries which are not members of the EU, and also do not want to be under continuous Russian influence. For countries that are not members of the EU, European Union developed European Neighbourhood Policy which cooperates with South and East neighbours so it could achieve close and sustainable political community and the highest possible level of economic integration. Russia is not a member of this instrument but instead it developed four common spaces with EU, economic space, freedom, security and justice, external security and research and education, including cultural aspects. The most important areas of cooperation between the two sides are the one in energy sector with established Roadmap until 2050, cooperation in science, technology and ...
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When is an Election Campaign a Good Campaign? European Parliamentary Elections in Croatia 2019 ; Kad je izborna kampanja dobra? Prosudba na primjeru hrvatskih izbora za Europski parlament 2019. godine
The paper seeks to answer the question: when is an election campaign a good campaign in terms of campaign ethics, and when is it good in terms of achieving successful results? Some possible evaluation criteria are explored. It was found that an election campaign can be ethical if guided by the principle of truth, and if it seeks to encourage a good voter turnout. Furthermore, it can be good in terms of successfulness if it raises poll ratings and receives more votes at a moderate cost in comparison to previous elections. In applying the above criteria to the campaigns of political parties in the Croatian elections for the European Parliament in 2019, we have seen that the campaign of most parties was not good from an ethical standpoint; furthermore, in terms of successfulness, only two parties stood out, and these were founded before the election. With a few exceptions, most parties in Croatia either did not want or simply did not have the knowledge and ability to organize an election campaign that would motivate and guide undecided voters. In this sense, the campaign did not demonstrate an overall benefit for society. At the same time, only a few parties succeeded in creating a campaign which produced a better result than in previous elections or better ratings in pre–election polls. In this sense, we can say that the campaigns of most parties did not affect voters' preferences, as they seemed to have been established before the campaign began. The parties that achieved the best cost–to–vote ratio were those that made the most effective use of the Internet or that made personal contact with the voters. ; U radu se traži odgovor na pitanje kad je izborna kampanja dobra u etičkom smislu i kad je dobra u smislu uspješnosti rezultata koje je ostvarila. Istražuju se mogući kriteriji prosudbe te nalazi da izborna kampanja može biti dobra u etičkom smislu ako se vodi načelom istine i nastoji potaknuti dobar odaziv birača na izbore te da može biti dobra u smislu uspješnosti ako uz umjerene troškove donese rast rejtinga u anketama i veći broj glasova nego na prijašnjim izborima. Primijenivši navedene kriterije na kampanje političkih stranaka u hrvatskim izborima za Europski parlament 2019. spoznaje se da kampanja većine stranaka u etičkom smislu nije bila dobra, a u smislu uspješnosti ističu se samo dvije i to uoči izbora nastale stranke.
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Kad je izborna kampanja dobra?: Prosudba na primjeru hrvatskih izbora za Europski parlament 2019. godine ; When is an Election Campaign a Good Campaign?: European Parliamentary Elections in Croatia 2019
U radu se traži odgovor na pitanje kad je izborna kampanja dobra u etičkom smislu i kad je dobra u smislu uspješnosti rezultata koje je ostvarila. Istražuju se mogući kriteriji prosudbe te nalazi da izborna kampanja može biti dobra u etičkom smislu ako se vodi načelom istine i nastoji potaknuti dobar odaziv birača na izbore te da može biti dobra u smislu uspješnosti ako uz umjerene troškove donese rast rejtinga u anketama i veći broj glasova nego na prijašnjim izborima. Primijenivši navedene kriterije na kampanje političkih stranaka u hrvatskim izborima za Europski parlament 2019. spoznaje se da kampanja većine stranaka u etičkom smislu nije bila dobra, a u smislu uspješnosti ističu se samo dvije i to uoči izbora nastale stranke. ; The paper seeks to answer the question: when is an election campaign a good campaign in terms of campaign ethics, and when is it good in terms of achieving successful results? Some possible evaluation criteria are explored. It was found that an election campaign can be ethical if guided by the principle of truth, and if it seeks to encourage a good voter turnout. Furthermore, it can be good in terms of successfulness if it raises poll ratings and receives more votes at a moderate cost in comparison to previous elections. In applying the above criteria to the campaigns of political parties in the Croatian elections for the European Parliament in 2019, we have seen that the campaign of most parties was not good from an ethical standpoint; furthermore, in terms of successfulness, only two parties stood out, and these were founded before the election. With a few exceptions, most parties in Croatia either did not want or simply did not have the knowledge and ability to organize an election campaign that would motivate and guide undecided voters. In this sense, the campaign did not demonstrate an overall benefit for society. At the same time, only a few parties succeeded in creating a campaign which produced a better result than in previous elections or better ratings in pre–election polls. In this sense, we can say that the campaigns of most parties did not affect voters' preferences, as they seemed to have been established before the campaign began. The parties that achieved the best cost–to–vote ratio were those that made the most effective use of the Internet or that made personal contact with the voters.
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Marginalije o Be Ha izborima '90. ; Marginalia about the 1990 Bosnia and Herzegovina Elections
Predmet ovog priloga je kraća empirijska analiza nekih sociološko-politikoloških značajki izbora u Bosni i Hercegovini, provedenih u novembru 1990. godine. U njegovom središtu je tzv. izborna geografija i posebno uvid u rezultate provedenih izbora, pomoću analize individualnih podataka. ; The paper gives a short empirical analysis of several sociological and political features of the Bosnia and Herzegovina elections held in November 1990. The main topic is the so-called »elections geography«, especially the interpretation of the results of the past elections, by means of the individual particularity analysis. Considering the elections to have been general, equal for all, direct and secret, we may say with certainty that these elections were the first free pluralistic elections in Bosnia and Hercegovina. Also, if we add that they were held in peace, similarly to those held in countries with a long parliamentary tradition, we may well conclude that they represent a historical step toward democracy. What makes them even more significant are the circumstances in which they were held The elections consisted of three levels. Organized at the same time were the presidential, parliamentary and local (community) elections by using a very complicated procedure — the mixed election model (a combination of the proportional model and the absolute and relative majority model). More than 2 300 000 voters had the opportunity to choose among a few thousand candidates supported by 15 political parties. They (voters) have chosen seven members of the Presidency, 240 members of Parliament in the two parliamentary houses and about 5000 representatives in 110 community parliaments. The winners were the three national parties (Party of Democratic Action, Serbian Democratic Party, Croatian Democratic Union). They won 84% of the representative mandates of Parliament. Even so, the question arises whether these elections were really democratic ones? The reason for this question lies in the apparent domination of »election irrationality« and in numerous deviations from long ago fixed election »rules« in the field of election sociology. Minor or almost no influence of programs and candidates on the political determination of voters is the best example for that The national and religious factors had absolute priority. Whether this will have decisive influence on the possible instability of the new government remains to be seen.
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Russia and the Ukrainian Crisis: A Multiperspective Analysis of Russian Behaviour, by Taking into Account NATO's and the EU's Enlargement
This article will explain why Russia annexed Crimea and is destabilizing eastern Ukraine. To do this, three different theoretical approaches on various levels of analysis will be used. It will be examined how far the expansion of NATO, as well as that of the European Union (Theory of Neorealism), was a motive for Russia's action. NATO's enlargement is analysed predominantly. In addition, politicalpsychological motivations of the Russian leadership are considered. But it is also analysed whether Russia's pure power interests have played a role (Theory of Realism). The focus here is on the Russian naval base in Crimea. It is necessary to examine whether preserving its fleet in the Black Sea was a motive for Moscow to annex the Crimean peninsula. ; This article will explain why Russia annexed Crimea and is destabilizing eastern Ukraine. To do this, three different theoretical approaches on various levels of analysis will be used. It will be examined how far the expansion of NATO, as well as that of the European Union (Theory of Neorealism), was a motive for Russia's action. NATO's enlargement is analysed predominantly. In addition, politicalpsychological motivations of the Russian leadership are considered. But it is also analysed whether Russia's pure power interests have played a role (Theory of Realism). The focus here is on the Russian naval base in Crimea. It is necessary to examine whether preserving its fleet in the Black Sea was a motive for Moscow to annex the Crimean peninsula.
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Ustavni modeli polupredsjedničkih sustava vlasti u Rusiji i Poljskoj ; Constitutional Models of Semi-Presidential Systems of Government in Russia and Poland
Uspostava novih političkih sustava u Srednjoj i Istočnoj Europi nakon pada komunističkih režima značila je i izbor novog sustava vlasti umjesto dotad proklamiranog skupštinskog. Stajalište ustavotvoraca o potrebi snažne institucije predsjednika države tijekom procesa tranzicije, te odnos snaga između različitih aktera u političkoj areni, rezultirali su uspostavom polupredsjedničkog sustava u mnogima od tih zemalja. U Rusiji i Poljskoj su s prvim promjenama ustava prihvaćeni neki elementi, a zatim i čitav koncept semiprezidencijalizma. Ustavni modeli u te dvije zemlje u skladu su s kriterijima polupredsjedničkih sustava – posjeduju dualnu strukturu izvršne vlasti, te fi ksni mandat predsjednika države izabranog na općim izborima i politički neodgovornog parlamentu. Politička je praksa u njima u posljednjih petnaestak godina pokazivala različite učinke uspostavljenog sustava. U Rusiji je predsjednik države dominirao političkim sustavom u tolikoj mjeri da je sustav u praksi bio predsjednički, dok su u Poljskoj ustavne promjene iz 1990., 1992. i 1997. godine rezultirale promjenom odnosa snaga unutar dualne strukture izvršne vlasti. ; The establishment of new political systems in Central and Eastern Europe after the collapse of communist regimes implied a decision on a new system of government instead of the earlier proclaimed assembly system. The position of the framers of the Constitution on the need for a strong institution of state presidency during the transition process, and the correlation of forces between diff erent actors in the political arena, have resulted in the establishment of the semi-presidential system in many of these countries. In Russia and Poland, with the fi rst modifi cations of their Constitutions, some elements of semi-presidentialism were adopted, and then the whole concept of semi-presidentialism has been accepted. The constitutional models in the two countries are compatible with the criteria of semi-presidential systems – they have a dual structure of the executive branch of government ...
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Analiza predizbornih spotova u Republici Srbiji – Negativna kampanja kandidata vladajućih političkih stranaka u okviru kampanje za predsjedničke izbore 2012. i 2017. godine ; Analysis of pre-election videos in the Republic of Serbia - Negative campaign of candidates of the ruling political parties w...
Predmet je rada analiza spotova predsjedničkih kandidata na vlasti u trenutku održavanja predsjedničkih izbora 2012. i 2017. godine. Iz 2012. godine analizirat će se spot kandidata Demokratske stranke Borisa Tadića, a iz 2017. godine spot kandidata Srpske napredne stranke Aleksandra Vučića. U navedenim spotovima prikazat će se korištenje negativne propagande oba kandidata prema suparnicima. Rad je podijeljen u nekoliko dijelova. Na početku će čitatelji biti upoznati sa značajem koji spotovi imaju u suvremenoj političkoj propagandi, kao i sa samim pojmom kampanje. U drugom dijelu ukazat će se na sve veći trend upotrebe negativne političke propagande. Kao metodu promatranja navedenih spotova koristit će se metoda analize sadržaja. Poseban dio odvojen je za teorijski pregled ove metode. U završnom dijelu izložit će se rezultati promatranja. Analizom navedenih spotova uočava se da je Boris Tadić, na direktan način, tokom čitavog spota pokušavao diskreditirati suparnika Tomislava Nikolića, dok je Aleksandar Vučić koristio indirektnu tehniku negativne propagande. Ova je razlika bitna, jer je strategija Aleksandra Vučića bila uspješnija, gledano kroz prizmu izbornog rezultata. Društveno akademski doprinos ovog rada je u tome što predstavlja jednu od rijetkih analiza negativne propagande tijekom predizborne kampanje u Srbiji. ; The subject of the paper is the analysis of the videos of the presidential candidates in power at the time of the presidential elections in 2012 and 2017. From 2012, the video of the candidate of the Democratic Party, Boris Tadic, will be analyzed, and from 2017, the video of the candidate of the Serbian Progressive Party, Aleksandar Vucic, will be analyzed. In the mentioned videos, the use of negative propaganda of these two candidates towards their opponents will be pointed out. The work will be divided into several parts, at the beginning the readers will be acquainted with the significance of the videos in modern political propaganda, as well as with the very concept of the campaign. The second part will point out the growing trend of using negative political propaganda. The method of content analysis will be used for the method of observing the mentioned videos. A special section will be set aside for a theoretical review of this method. In the final part, the results of the observation will be presented. The analysis of the mentioned videos shows that Boris Tadic directly tried to discredit his opponent Tomislav Nikolic during the entire video, while Aleksandar Vucic used the indirect technique of negative propaganda. This difference is important, because the strategy of Aleksandar Vucic was more successful, viewed through the election result. The socio-academic contribution of this paper is that it represents one of the rare analyzes of negative propaganda during the election campaign in Serbia
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Odnosi Rusije i Srbije nakon raspada Sovjetskog Saveza i SFR Jugoslavije ; Relations between Russia and Serbia after dissolution of the Soviet Union and SFR Yugoslavia
Odnosi Rusije i Srbije od raspada Sovjetskog Saveza i SFR Jugoslavije aktualno je pitanje ne samo o budućnosti Srbije nego dometa i intenziteta utjecaja zapadnih integracija i/ili Rusije na Zapadnom Balkanu i JI Europi. Odnosi između Srbije i Rusije analizirani su s obzirom na pitanje smetaju li oni ulasku Srbije u EU i NATO. Analiza je podijeljena na razdoblje od 1991. do 2000. i poslije 2000. godine pri čemu su posebno izdvojene teme oko kojih se najintenzivnije razvijao odnos koji je u pitanju. Intenzitet odnosa između dvije zemlje promatran je prvenstveno kao posljedica pojedinačnih odnosa obje zemlje sa Zapadom, prvenstveno sa Sjedinjenim Državama i EU, pa se i oni analiziraju. Iako se kroz literaturu i pojedinačne događaje ne pokazuju jedinstvena mišljenja i informacije, zajedno pružaju temelj za zaključak da je ulazak Srbije u zapadne integracije, osim ulazak u NATO u određenom stupnju, prvenstveno određen pragmatičnim interesima Srbije, a ne Rusije kojoj je Srbija jednako tako interesna zona samo u pogledu aktualnih pragmatičnih pitanja, a ne nekog iracionalnog, sudbinskog savezništva. ; The relationship between Serbia and Russia since the break-up of Yugoslavia and the dissolution of the Soviet Union is a very timely topic of discussion: Beyond the political and economic future of Serbia, it bears on the scope and intensity of Western integration throughout the Balkans and SE Europe. To this end, contemporary Serbo-Russian relations are analyzed in terms of their potential impact on Serbia joining the EU and NATO. The analysis is divided into two periods, 1991-2000 and post-2000. The more critical issues in bilateral relations are emphasized. Understanding each country's separate relationship with the West -- particularly the USA and EU -- is an essential part of this analysis. Contradictory conclusions may be reached when arguments advanced in the literature or individual geo-political events are considered in isolation; but when available information is combined, there is a basis for concluding that ...
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