On 28th April 2019 parliamentary elections were held in Spain, which won the left-wing Spanish Socialist Workers' Party. As a result of the elections the party system, which was characterised by the dominance of two main political forces (the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party and the People's Party) continued to transform significantly. The People's Party suffered one of the worst election results during the three decades of its history, which could be explained by the strengthening of Ciudadanos and the emergence of the radical political force, Vox.It must be noted that neither the left-wing, nor the right-wing political parties succeeded gaining absolute majority (176 mandates) in the Congress of Deputies. Taking into account of the division of political sphere and the ideological differences among the parties, it will probably take a long time until the main political forces can strike a compromise to form a coalition government in the Iberian country. This requires mutual concessions by the Spanish political elite.Besides the evaluation of the antecedents of parliamentary elections the objective my paper is to analyse the peculiarities of election campaign, but I will also highlight which factors played crucial role in the transformation of the party system in Spain. In my essay emphasis will be given to the different scenarios as regards negotiations for constructing a stable government. Because of length constraints, I will not deal with the foreign affairs- and economic policy of the socialist government.
One of the most important diplomatic debates of the 1990s evolved around the eastern enlargement of the NATO. In the early years of the foreign policy of the Middle-Eastern countries by now free from soviet influence one major issue was to adapt themselves to the post-cold war world order. All of the countries involved – the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary in the first round – soon realized that their only option was to get integrated into the western organizations, to NATO in particular. The leading politicians of this organization had their doubts about these countries' capability to adapt to the already developed system of the organization. This is mainly illustrated by the fact that until the middle of the decade there was a lack of real commitment to the enlargement of the alliance. The PfP document of January 1994 may be regarded as a breakthrough. The diplomacy of Moscow became more and more dismissive as to the idea of the eastern enlargement of the NATO. Within a few months an attitude that regarded Russia joining the NATO as a possible perspective gave way to the total rejection of the enlargement. This study aims at exploring the determining points of this debate mainly in the light of the most important documents. ; One of the most important diplomatic debates of the 1990s evolved around the eastern enlargement of the NATO. In the early years of the foreign policy of the Middle-Eastern countries by now free from soviet influence one major issue was to adapt themselves to the post-cold war world order. All of the countries involved – the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary in the first round – soon realized that their only option was to get integrated into the western organizations, to NATO in particular. The leading politicians of this organization had their doubts about these countries' capability to adapt to the already developed system of the organization. This is mainly illustrated by the fact that until the middle of the decade there was a lack of real commitment to the enlargement of the alliance. The PfP document of January 1994 may be regarded as a breakthrough. The diplomacy of Moscow became more and more dismissive as to the idea of the eastern enlargement of the NATO. Within a few months an attitude that regarded Russia joining the NATO as a possible perspective gave way to the total rejection of the enlargement. This study aims at exploring the determining points of this debate mainly in the light of the most important documents.
Programs of the Spanish Left Wing Parties on the Eve of the 1936 Parliamentary Elections In the months before the elections this parties prepared programs presenting their inmediate, and some of their long-term goals, reacting to one another in the process. The worker and the bourgeois-democratic republican parties tried to overcome their disagreements in order to form a wide common block facing the similarly fragmented right parties. While the programs of the worker parties featured more radical ideas, the bourgeois-democratic document focused primarily on the reconstruction of the constitutional achievments of the 1931-1933 socialist–republican government. In the end, the common program backed by numerous organizations contained overhelming the goals of the buorgeois democratic parties, referring to the differences between the parties. This proved to be sufficient for winning by a wide margin. ; Programs of the Spanish Left Wing Parties on the Eve of the 1936 Parliamentary Elections In the months before the elections this parties prepared programs presenting their inmediate, and some of their long-term goals, reacting to one another in the process. The worker and the bourgeois-democratic republican parties tried to overcome their disagreements in order to form a wide common block facing the similarly fragmented right parties. While the programs of the worker parties featured more radical ideas, the bourgeois-democratic document focused primarily on the reconstruction of the constitutional achievments of the 1931-1933 socialist–republican government. In the end, the common program backed by numerous organizations contained overhelming the goals of the buorgeois democratic parties, referring to the differences between the parties. This proved to be sufficient for winning by a wide margin.
Based primarily on election campaigns, public opinion surveys (Consulta Mitofsky, Latinobarometro) and the official election results, this study analyses how and to what extent the Institutional Revolutionary Party, that governed Mexico for more than 70 years, has lost power. To what extent can the elections of 2000, that changed the political system, be considered as a break with the past or part of an on-going process? Why did the PRI achieve the worst election results in its history in 2006? What new political dividing lines were formed in Mexico after the disappearance of the hegemony of the PRI? What can we expect at the 2012 presidential elections? ; Választási kampányok, közvélemény kutatások (Consulta Mitofsky, Latinobarometro) és a hivatalos választási eredmények segítségével a tanulmány azt elemzi, hogy az 1920 - es években megalakult, később nevét PRI-re változtató politikai erő, amely több mint 70 éven át kormányozta Mexikót, hogyan illetve milyen mértékben szorult ki a hatalomból. Mennyire tekinthető a 2000-es rendszerváltás a múlttal való szakításnak, törésnek, illetve egy folyamat részének? Miért szerepelt a PRI még rosszabbul 2006-ban? Milyen új politikai választóvonalak jöttek létre Mexikóban a PRI hegemóniájának szétfoszlásával? Mi várható 2012-es elnökválasztásokon?
In recent decades, the United States has increasingly used the means of economic warfare in its geopolitical struggles. Among these instruments – in addition to the financial markets – it most often launches geoeconomic attacks in the oil market against its geopolitical adversaries. The United States can cause significant economic damage both for oil exporter (eg. Iran, Venezuela) and oil importer (eg. Cuba, North Korea) countries by restricting their access to oil markets.This paper analyzes the economic warfare in the oil market between the United States and Iran, Russia, and North Korea. Through these examples this paper demonstrates how the United States organizes and executes geoeconomic attacks in the oil market and how it handles country-specific problems. The United States has the means to organize broad international coalition alongside the oil market sanctions – even in the lack of UN Security Council resolutions.United Nations has decided on a number of economic sanctions against Iran because of its nuclear program. These sanctions reduced the supply in the world oil market and resulted in about 10-20% price increase, while Iran – despite of the sanctions – found the way to sell significant amount of oil, mainly to China and India.Russia is a member of the UN Security Council, so no UN sanctions can be imposed on it, nevertheless the United States and its allies launched a geoeconomics assault against Russia after the annexation of the Crimea. Russia was prepared for these economic sanctions and could effectively reduce the negative effects on its oil export, which could even increase after the western sanctions. North Korea is under UN sanctions since 2006 because of its nuclear program. The sanctions refer to oil and oil products as well, but has no significant effect on world oil market and oil price, because North Korea is a relatively small country with low oil consumption.North Korea is suffering a huge economic burden due to severe restrictions and its only way to circumvent the embargo – according to American accusations – is to smuggle some oil from China and Russia. ; In recent decades, the United States has increasingly used the means of economic warfare in its geopolitical struggles. Among these instruments – in addition to the financial markets – it most often launches geoeconomic attacks in the oil market against its geopolitical adversaries. The United States can cause significant economic damage both for oil exporter (eg. Iran, Venezuela) and oil importer (eg. Cuba, North Korea) countries by restricting their access to oil markets.This paper analyzes the economic warfare in the oil market between the United States and Iran, Russia, and North Korea. Through these examples this paper demonstrates how the United States organizes and executes geoeconomic attacks in the oil market and how it handles country-specific problems. The United States has the means to organize broad international coalition alongside the oil market sanctions – even in the lack of UN Security Council resolutions.United Nations has decided on a number of economic sanctions against Iran because of its nuclear program. These sanctions reduced the supply in the world oil market and resulted in about 10-20% price increase, while Iran – despite of the sanctions – found the way to sell significant amount of oil, mainly to China and India.Russia is a member of the UN Security Council, so no UN sanctions can be imposed on it, nevertheless the United States and its allies launched a geoeconomics assault against Russia after the annexation of the Crimea. Russia was prepared for these economic sanctions and could effectively reduce the negative effects on its oil export, which could even increase after the western sanctions. North Korea is under UN sanctions since 2006 because of its nuclear program. The sanctions refer to oil and oil products as well, but has no significant effect on world oil market and oil price, because North Korea is a relatively small country with low oil consumption.North Korea is suffering a huge economic burden due to severe restrictions and its only way to circumvent the embargo – according to American accusations – is to smuggle some oil from China and Russia.
The President of Croatia is elected to a five-year term by a direct vote of all citizens, with a majority vote required to win. Since Croatia's independence the country has got three elected presidents. The first presidential election was held on 2 August 1992 and resulted in victory for Franjo Tuđman of the HDZ, who received 57.8 percent of the vote in the first round of the election. Tuđman introduced a semi-presidential system and won the second term in 1997. The next two presidential elections took place in 2000 and in 2005 and Stjepan Mesić, the candidate of the Croatian People's Party won the office. In 2010 Ivo Josipović became the 3rd President of Croatia, becoming the first social democratic president since the independence of the country. On 11th January 2015, in the second round Croatians people elected Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović a member of the center-right Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) as the new President of the Republic of Croatia. Her main opponent in the runoff was the outgoing president Ivo Josipović nominated by the center-left Social Democratic Party (SDP) and supported by the government's parties. This election gathers a lot of records: for the first time a woman has been elected President, for the first time the outgoing President is not confirmed for a second mandate and Grabar-Kitarović is the first HDZ 's President after Tuđman. In addition the presidential election regarded as the foreplay to the more pressing and important upcoming November parliamentary election and there could be lots of changes at political level.
In the spring of 1935 there was the general election in Hungary. At this time Gyula Gömbös was the Prime Minister of Hungary. The vote still passed off by the general election law of 1925. In the city of Hódmezővásárhely the election was secret and made with party lists. It was held at the end of April. In the course of the campaign three parties managed to have the enough recommendations: the Party of National Unity (with the leadership of András Tasnádi Nagy under-secretary for Religion and Education) the National Agricultural Opposition (with the leadership of Béla Kun) and the Hungarian Social Democratic Party (with the leadership of Ferenc Takács). The recommendation threshold was 10 percent of the number of all constituent, which was meant 1828 people in this case. In the course of the campaign all of the parties attacked each other in the pages of newspapers.The election ended in complete victory for the opposition. The vote result was a big surprise. The winner was in close fight the Hungarian Social Democratic Party. The second place was owned by the National Agricultural Opposition. The parliamentarian of the city became Ferenc Takács and Béla Kun. They both lived in Hódmezővásárhely.
