The 1999 parliamentary election in Russia
In: Electoral studies: an international journal, Band 21, Heft 1, S. 101-106
ISSN: 0261-3794
In: Electoral studies: an international journal, Band 21, Heft 1, S. 101-106
ISSN: 0261-3794
In: Electoral Studies, Band 21, Heft 1, S. 101-107
In: International affairs, Band 72, Heft 3, S. 618-618
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: Russian analytical digest: (RAD), Heft 102, S. 2-6
ISSN: 1863-0421
World Affairs Online
In: Insight Turkey, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 81-91
ISSN: 1302-177X
World Affairs Online
In: Communist and post-communist studies: an international interdisciplinary journal, Band 32, Heft 1, S. 45-60
ISSN: 0967-067X
In: RFE RL research report: weekly analyses from the RFERL Research Institute, Band 2, Heft 47, S. 1-6
ISSN: 0941-505X
Dreizehn Parteien und Parteienblöcke sind zu den Parlamentswahlen in Rußland am 12. Dezember 1993 zugelassen worden. Die wichtigsten dieser Parteien und Blöcke werden in dem Beitrag im Hinblick auf ihre Programm, ihre führenden Kandidaten, ihre Wählerschaft sowie ihre Wahlaussichten betrachtet. Darüber hinaus werden einige grundsätzliche Überlegungen zum Charakter dieser Wahlen und zum Verlauf des Wahlkampfes angestellt. (BIOst-Srt)
World Affairs Online
In: Representation, Band 35, Heft 2-3, S. 137-145
ISSN: 1749-4001
This volume offers a number of forensic indicators of election fraud applied to official election returns, and tests and illustrates their application in Russia and Ukraine. Included are the methodology's econometric details and theoretical assumptions. The applications to Russia include the analysis of all federal elections between 1996 and 2007 and, for Ukraine, between 2004 and 2007. Generally, we find that fraud has metastasized within the Russian polity during Putin's administration with upwards of 10 million or more suspect votes in both the 2004 and 2007 balloting, whereas in Ukraine, fraud has diminished considerably since the second round of its 2004 presidential election where between 1.5 and 3 million votes were falsified. The volume concludes with a consideration of data from the United States to illustrate the dangers of the application of our methods without due consideration of an election's substantive context and the characteristics of the data at hand
In: The political quarterly: PQ, Band 68, Heft 1, S. 9-22
ISSN: 0032-3179
In: Europe Asia studies, Band 63, Heft 4, S. 641-661
ISSN: 1465-3427
World Affairs Online
In: Russian analytical digest: (RAD), Heft 262, S. 6-14
ISSN: 1863-0421
The September 2020 regional elections in Russia employed a new three-day voting scheme. This change, along with biased electoral rules, helped the Kremlin to maintain control over all gubernatorial offices, as well as - via United Russia - over all regional parliaments and a majority of city councils in regional capitals. At the same time, Alexei Navalny's "smart vote" initiative was effective in big cities. Multi-day voting will once again be used in the Duma elections next year, but there the Kremlin's landslide victory is in jeopardy due to United Russia's declining popularity among voters and the ability of the candidates backed by the "smart vote2 campaign to defeat UR nominees in a number of single-member districts.
In: Russia in Global Affairs, Band 18, Heft 1, S. 146-156
ISSN: 2618-9844
In: The political quarterly: PQ, Band 68, S. 9-22
ISSN: 0032-3179
Role of the Communist party, and the political campaigns of Gennady Zyuganov, Mikhail Gorbachev, Vladimir Zhirinovsky, Aleksandr Lebed, and Boris Yeltsin in the 1996 presidential elections.