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Book reviewed in this article: Susan B. Anthony: A Biography of a Singular Feminist. Kathleen Barry. New York and London: New York University Press, 1988, 426 pages. Samhällsvetenskapens klassiker (The Classics of the Social Sciences). Margareta Bertilsson and Bjorn Hansson, eds. Studentlitteratur, Lund, Sweden, 1988. Feminist Perspectives on Wife Abuse, edited by Kersti Yllo and Michele Bograd. Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1988, 318 pages, $35.00, hardback, $16.95, paperback. The New Black Middle Class. Bart Landry. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1987, xi + 250 pages, $22.50. Families and Economic Distress: Coping Strategies and Social Policy, edited by Patricia Voydanoff and Linda C. Majka. Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1988, 306 pages, $29.95 hardcover, $14.95 softcover.

This booklet points out the difference between the moral dilemma and difficult choices, discusses the need to develop an ethos in the organisations, as well as the need of models. It contains a number of case studies which make the picture very clear and eminently suitable for use as a basis for further discussions.

Women who have immigrated, as well as teh questions of ethnicity and multiculturalism have been invisible in mainstream feminist research in Sweden. In the context of the international feminist debate, however, these issues are gaining high priority. For some time now the importance of pursuing politics of recognition of cultural differences hu been on the agenda. But now the debate is turning towards a critical examination of inherent traps. The article examines the problematic of cultural essentialism - a discursive terrain shared by Feminism and Multiculturalism. Multicultural policies and politics of recognition risk reducing social inequalities to cultural differences and thereby promoting the social exclusion of ethnic minorities. If "recognition" is of an oppositional "other", and if it fails to acknowledge that identities are hybrid and composite, it risks lapsing into cultural essentialism. In order to counter culturalism. feminists need, it is maintained, to develop a conception of social citizenship which links citizenship to issues of social rights as well as the exigenc'es of a transethnic dialogue and politics of solidarity.

Firstly, research addressing early intervention in Down syndrome is discussed. It is argued, in contrast to prior reviewers, that early intervention in Down syndrome does seem to yield positive effects in different developmental domains. However, the evidence of long-term effects appears to be mixed, albeit the implications of this state of affairs are arguable. Secondly, some recent trends in early intervention research are outlined. The implications of the recent emphasis on pinpointing strengths and weaknesses in Down syndrome and the emergent recognition of the importance of the context of child development are spelled out. The consequences of a contextualized approach to child development is discussed particularly in relation to the notions of outcome variables and the wider context of development, i.e. in terms of the impact of early intervention on families and the long-term goals of early intervention. Finally, it is argued that the time seems ripe to situate the early intervention movement in its sociocultural context, i.e. in the nexus of political, ideological and scientific factors.

Departing from the notion of 'the stranger' in classical sociological literature (Alfred Schutz and Georg Simmel), the paper discusses the significance of two paradigmatic approaches, one of which has discursively branched off into modernity. In a world where the search for roots has become widespread - from the new social movements to the building of new nation-state, from identity politics to national identities - the multiple expression of exclusion has spread. A new kind of European citizen, a 'stranger', is being constructed. I argue that scientific discourses related to the intellectual heritage of Alfred Schutz have helped to create the 'stranger' and the 'non-stranger'. It is further argued that Simmel's approach is an alternative well worth highlighting.

Mångkulturalism är i dag en integrerad del i europeiskt politiskt liv. På somliga ställen har ett erkännande av kulturarv och bejakande av vidmakthållna etniska grupperingar utformats till en officiell och legitimerad politisk ideologi. På andra ställen spelar kulturpluralism - ideologiskt och politiskt - en oppositionell roll genom sitt hävdande av invandrares och etniska minoriteters grundläggande rätt till kulturell autonomi. Horace Kallen's (1924) legendariska vision om USA som en demokratisk och kulturpluralistisk "orchestration of mankind" har alltså kommit att fa sina olika motsvarigheter också i samtida europeiskt politiskt liv. Varje instrument "genomspelar sitt eget tema och sin egen melodi i den gemensamma symfonin", skrev Kallen, och så förhåller det sig också i samhället "där varje enskild etnisk grupp utgör ett naturligt instrument, där dess temperament och dess kultur är ett eget tema och en egen melodi", och där alla hannonier, dissonanser och missljud samlas till en gemensam "civilisationens symfoni" (Kallen 1924: 124-5).

New cosmopolitan local communities, in Stockholms multi‐ethnic suburb's as in other European cities, harbour the preconditions for the transgression of narrow social and cultural borders. Here, in a dynamic interplay and articulation of tradition and modernity, the antagonisms and struggles of the past are connected with the present dilemmas and ordeals of the immigrant experience, producing new amalgamated forms of cultural expression and political alternatives.

Sweden is reputed to have the most avant-garde welfare and immigration policies in Europe. But behind this image lies a more complex reality. Recent changes are turning an explicit commitment to multiculturalism into a kind of cultural repression that conceals the structure of power underlying racial, ethnic, gender and class inequalities. Drawing fruitfully on comparisons with Britain and other European countries, Alexandra Ålund and Carl-Ulrik Schierup examine some of the paradoxes of multiculturalism that have com to light during the course of public debates about Sweden's 'over-programmed' society. They critically reassess the dominant political, institutional and academic discourses: they look at changes in refugee policy, at how immigrant women and youth are represented and at the limited voice given to immigrant communities and contemporary social movements. In discussing the dilemma faced by the welfare state under the twin threats of globalization and localization, the book focuses on the emerging notion of 'trans-ethnicity' and, in so doing, exposes the need for more comprehensive definitions of 'politics', 'class', 'state', 'civil society' and 'everyday life'.

This is a study of a contemporary Nepalese artistic genre. But it is also an analysis of political rhetorics and of one of the means by which the political parties were able to build up mass support during the time they were legally banned. During the three decades of partyless Pancayat Democracy, the parties were confined to working underground, undercover in the guise of student unions, and – as they did from its very inception (Rose 1965: 360, 365) – within the pancayat system itself. How, then, to capture, convince and convert the masses? Progressive songs – pragati!"l g"t – were part of the "cultural front" specifically aimed to reach beyond the dedicated party workers and to "the people". This cultural work – conceived as the first step in the enlightenment of the people – included street dramas; the street poetry revolution (Hutt 1991:142); and the musical performances and cultural programs (with a mix of dramas, dances, and songs) of which progressive songs were the most important component. ; Original publication: Ingemar Grandin, "To change the face of this country": Nepalese progressive songs under pancayat democracy, 1996, Journal of South Asian Literature, (29), 1, 175-189.

CONTENTS: Introduction: The Islamization of "Tradition" and "Modernity" / Eva Evers Rosander -- Sub-Saharan Africa and the Wider World of Islam: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives / Johan Hunwick -- Maghribi Islam and Islam in the Maghrib: The Eternal Dichotomy / George Joffé -- Islam and Human Rights in Sahelian Africa / Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im -- Translations of the Quran into Swahili, and Contemporary Islamic Revival in East Africa / Justo Lacunza-Balda -- The Islamization of Contemporary Egypt / Tomas Gerholm -- Sufism and Islamism in the Sudan / Muhammad Mahmoud -- The Role of Sufi Women in an Algerian Pilgrimage Ritual / Sossie Andezian -- The Making of a Mouride Mahdi: Serigne Abdoulaye Yakhine Diop of Thies / Rose Lake -- The Power of Knowledge: The Life of Alhaji Ibrahim Goni, Islamic Judge in Ngaoundéré, Northern Cameroon / Lisbet Holtedahl and Mahmoudou Djingui -- Islamic Reform and Political Change: The Example of Abubkar Gumi and the Yan Izala Movement in Northern Nigeria / Roman Loimeier -- Reaction and Action: Accounting for the Rise of Islamism / David Westerlund

It is generally agreed that the implementation of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) and the deep economic crisis which prefaced and continued to attend their adaptation in several African countries have had serious economic, social and political consequences. Against this background, this study examines the effect of SAP on ethnicity in Nigeria.