Suchergebnisse

Zusammenfassung: Vor dem Hintergrund aktueller Wandlungen in der Bildungspolitik Schwedens wird die jüngere Entwicklung der schwedischen Sonderpädagogik aufgezeigt und diskutiert. Zwei kontrastierende Sichtweisen, die kategoriale und die relationale Perspektive, werden zur Analyse von Schulproblemen verwendet. Sie erscheinen prägend für die Umsetzung sonderpädagogischer Förderung. Die Verankerung sonderpädagogischer Studienanteile in der allgemeinen Lehrerbildung wird für die Ermöglichung inklusiver Bildung hervorgehoben. Angesichts widerstrebender Positionen auf den verschiedenen Ebenen der Schulpolitik sind die Auswirkungen der schwedischen Bildungsreformen auf das Konzept »Eine Schule für alle« gegenwärtig nicht eindeutig absehbar. Abstract: Against the background of current changes in educational policy in Sweden, the recent development of Swedish special education is presented and discussed. Two contrasting perspectives, the categorical and the relational perspective, are used to analyse school problems, and they are formative for the implementation of special educational support. The anchoring of special education in general teacher education is highlighted in the facilitation of inclusive education. In view of opposing positions on various levels of school policy, the impact of Swedish education reforms on the concept of »One school for all« is currently not clearly foreseeable.

The worker's movement in capitalist societies knows two ways to fight for economic democracy: the one aims at participation in decision-making, while maintaining capitalist ownership; the other challenges private ownership itself. The author reflects upon various efforts undertaken in Sweden and Germany to create worker's collective ownership, as a means of winning a higher degree of participation in the decision-making processes.

Aktuelle Trends der Lehrerbildung in Schweden. Auswirkungen auf sonderpädagogische StudienanteileDie Aus- und Weiterbildung von Lehrern in Schweden befindet sich derzeit in einem tiefgreifenden Umbruch. Davon betroffen sind nicht zuletzt sonderpädagogische Studienanteile in der Ausbildung von Vorschul- bzw. Grundschulpädagogen, deren Kompetenz eine wichtige professionelle Grundlage der Bemühungen um inklusive Bildung darstellt. Das Aufbaustudium zum traditionellen "Speziallehrer", dessen Hauptaufgabe im Sonderunterricht für Schüler mit Behinderungen liegt, wurde zulasten der Ausbildung zum stärker integrativ und beratend tätigen "Spezialpädagogen" vor kurzem wieder aufgenommen. Eingebettet sind diese Veränderungen in die bildungspolitischen Reformen der seit 2006 amtierenden bürgerlichen Regierung. Darüber hinaus entstanden im Zuge des Bologna-Prozesses und der Profilstärkung einzelner Hochschulen neue sonderpädagogische Studiengänge. Im Vortrag werden die aktuellen Entwicklungen skizziert und in den bildungspolitischen Kontext Schwedens eingebettet.

This study aims to review the state of art of the new wars debate from 1999 till today. In a critical reflection it analyses Mary Kaldor's approach and identifies three core elements that guide the follow-up case study on the Bosnian war. It does so to critically reflect on the political naivety, which welcomed the concept of New Wars as a tool to justify policies and the lack of scientific accuracy and nobility by several study programmes. The study concludes that, firstly, identity politics are not a unique feature of new wars as Kaldor argues. Rather identity must be considered the main ingredient in each Conflict. Secondly it must be questioned in how far wars today can be compared to their predecessors since the quality those wars are analysed increased tremendously. Peace and Conflict Research are one of these features that came up within the 1960s as well as a globalised moralisation of war. Thirdly, Kaldor argument of a brutalisation of new wars is falsified. New studies clearly falsify this argument empirically for the Bosnian war. The study infers that ten years after Kaldor introduced the conception of New Wars, there are loads of theoretical and empirical doubts that question the theory as a helpful tool in Peace and Conflict Research.

When crises develop, people are confronted with difficulties beyond those experienced in normal everyday activities. Due to the perceived threats inherent to such situations, familiar behaviors may prove ineffective, and such attempts can pose dangerous and unpredictable risks. Crises are extreme situations, occurring at the very edges of human experience. Oral communication in such situations cannot be casual; the seriousness of the situation demands exceptional communicative performance on the part of the participants. Therefore, certainties about everyday communication conventions are called into question. The following work examines conversations during which the participants were involved in an extreme situation. In this particular crisis, a politically motivated kidnapping, the personal involvement of the interlocutors is substantial. A clear and present fear of the situation escalating and the possibility of a failure to anticipate the resulting reactions from the other party(ies) characterize the communicative acts of those involved. Recorded telephone calls during the occupation of the West German Embassy in Stockholm by members of the Red Army Faction (RAF) on April 24, 1975 comprise the basis for this analysis. One of the occupiers speaks with various interlocutors located in an adjacent embassy building. These interlocutors are relatives of the hostages, the Swedish Minister of Justice, and a German official charged with leading the negotiations. In this study, the communicative processes of the crisis are reconstructed. In order to show how the interlocutors attempt to reach their goals in this tense situation with the resources available to them, as well as what they in fact achieve, ethnographic methods of analysis have been employed. This study shows how, despite strong conflicting interests and motives, a shared reality is built through the actions of the interlocutors. The interaction between two key figures in the early stages of the crisis can even be characterized as a form of coalition building. An explanation as to why this collaboration is not retained in the subsequent course of the events, however, leading to an escalation of the situation, is also presented. Furthermore, the following work sets forth qualities needed to interactively build a coalition in a precarious crisis situation, which has arisen between parties characterized by diametrically opposed aims.