Suchergebnisse

La criminologie a aujourd'hui une actualité traversée par de nombreuses controverses, que ce soit sur son institutionnalisation, son développement dans le cadre d'un marché de la sécurité florissant, ou les emprunts qui y ont été faits lors de lois pénales assez récentes40. La criminologie a été abordée sous une forme picaresque et colorée or, il y a un vrai phénomène criminologie à analyser, tant cette "science sociale" relève des questions qui sont de réels problèmes de société. En s'attachant à la genèse de ce savoir, nous voudrions ici précisément montrer la dimension sociologique de ces écrits, proches de l'anthropologie, portés plutôt par des médecins, quelques juristes intéressés par le social et par l'impact de leurs travaux sur les possibles transformations du monde. Palavras-chave: Ciência – Criminologia – Sociologia - França – Europa Século XIX – Política – Saberes de Governo. ; A criminologia hoje é atravessada por muita controvérsia, seja em razão de sua institucionalização, em razão de seu desenvolvimento como parte de um próspero mercado de segurança ou de empréstimos que foram feitos em leis criminais bastante recentes. A criminologia foi abordada de forma picaresca e colorida ou como forma de abordar um fenômeno criminológico real a ser analisado. De todo modo essa "ciência social" levanta questões que são problemas reais da sociedade. Ao focarmos na gênese desse conhecimento, gostaríamos aqui de mostrar precisamente a dimensão sociológica desses escritos, próximos à antropologia, praticados sobretudo por médicos, alguns juristas interessados no âmbito social e no impacto de seus trabalhos sobre as possíveis transformações do mundo. ; La criminologie a aujourd'hui une actualité traversée par de nombreuses controverses, que ce soit sur son institutionnalisation, son développement dans le cadre d'un marché de la sécurité florissant, ou les emprunts qui y ont été faits lors de lois pénales assez récentes[1]. La criminologie a été abordée sous une forme picaresque et colorée or, il y a un vrai phénomène criminologie à analyser, tant cette "science sociale" relève des questions qui sont de réels problèmes de société. En s'attachant à la genèse de ce savoir, nous voudrions ici précisément montrer la dimension sociologique de ces écrits, proches de l'anthropologie, portés plutôt par des médecins, quelques juristes intéressés par le social et par l'impact de leurs travaux sur les possibles transformations du monde. Mots-Clés: Science – Criminologie – Sociologie - France – Europe XIXème siècle – Politique – Savoirs de Gouvernement. n d'irresponsabilité pénale pour cause de trouble mental du 25 février 2008 ; Criminology today is riddled with much controversy, either because of its institutionalization, because of its development as part of a thriving security market or as loans that were made in very recent criminal laws. Criminology was approached in a picaresque and colorful way or as a way to address a real criminological phenomenon to be analyzed. In any case, this "social science" raises questions that are real problems for society. In focusing on the genesis of this knowledge, we would like here to show precisely the sociological dimension of these writings, close to anthropology, practiced mainly by doctors, some jurists interested in the social scope and the impact of their work on the possible transformations of the world.

The object of criminology is to investigate and explicate conducts contradicting social order. The roots of this science originate from the thoughts of the first generation of sensible men who were able to reflect over aggressive actions, suchlike murders or any other criminal conducts breaking social rules. In terms of moral, religious, philosophical or political outlook, the inception of criminology is even more ancient whereas from the doctrinal point of view, the origin of this science has been considered the XIX century. Later on, from the middle of the past century and on, while it was developing gradually, issues related to criminal offenses and felons were treated legally, considerations that had an effect into the future of the science in word. Criminal act may be related to political, legal, constabulary, medical, psychological or sociological issues. Deviation and criminal offenses should be analysed in terms of all these domains and precisely this is where criminology should be justified as a science, considering the pro and contrary attitudes, regarding its role as an auxiliary discipline. Therefore, it is crucial for the science of criminology not to experience any critical situations of other social sciences and not get apart from its base ideals. It should be linked more with the reality, including all actors, the society and its values, culture, etc., and respond to questions related to its own object of study, acknowledging limitations and fully playing its role in an unstable society in continuous transformation while considering the effects of its intrusions.

Title from cover ; Published: Baltimore, Md. : For Northwestern University School of Law by the Williams & Wilkins Co., 1954-1955-1971 ; Title varies slightly ; Psychological abstracts ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Official publication of the International Association of Arson Investigators, Illinois Academy of Criminology, and Society for the Advancement of Criminology, 1951/1952-1958; of the National Association of County and Prosecuting Attorneys and the National Association of Defense Lawyers in Criminal Cases, 1959-1960; of the National District Attorneys Association and the National Association of Defense Lawyers in Criminal Cases, 1961-1967 ; Vols. 1 (1910)-61 (1970). 1 v. (Includes index to the journal under its earlier titles) ; Split into: Journal of criminal law & criminology (Baltimore, Md. : 1973), and: Journal of police science and administration

Genetic Surveillance and Crime Control presents a new empirical and conceptual framework for understanding trends of genetic surveillance in different countries in Europe and in other jurisdictions around the world. The use of DNA or genome for state-level surveillance for crime governance is becoming the norm in democratic societies. In the post-DNA, contemporary modes of criminal identification are gradually changing through the increasing expansion of transnational sharing of DNA data, along with the development of highly controversial genetic technologies that pose acute challenges to privacy and generate fears of discrimination, racism and stigmatization. Some questions that guide this book are: How is genetic surveillance in the governance of crime intertwined with society, ethics, culture, and politics? What are the views and expectations of diverse stakeholders –scientists, police agencies, and non-governmental organizations? How can social sciences research about genetic surveillance accommodate socio-cultural and historical differences, and be sensitive to specificities of post-authoritarian societies in Europe? Taking an interdisciplinary approach focused on challenges to genetic privacy, human rights and citizenship in contemporary societies , this book will be of interest to students and scholars of social studies of science and technology, sociology, criminology, law and policing, international relations and forensic sciences.

Includes section "Book reviews." ; Papers of the annual meeting of the association issued as a separately paged supplement, 1959-1960. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Mode of access: World Wide Web ; Published by the Southwestern Social Science Association (called 1919-Mar. 1923, Southwestern Political Science Association; Apr. 1923-Mar. 1931, Southwestern Political and Social Science Association)

International audience ; Human Science is required, especially since the nineteenth century to make visible "scientifically" the social. But the mobilization of knowledge is so, the relationship is often so symbiotic between knowledge production and its social, economic, political, cultural, what ultimately give the knowledge to do it is primarily concerns more or less cyclical that generate them. Social sciences, they become in the social sciences, privileged social event in which they are ultimately submerged. Criminology in the nineteenth century it is absolutely exemplary perspective. The work carried out around this discipline and its conditions developed in France in the late nineteenth century is primarily a work on the issues: academic, social, political, philosophical. The issues that this "science of crime" is going to emerge.Cesare Lombroso and Alexandre Lacassagne, we will deal with a mix of biological and social and of a discourse that feeds positivism of Comte, Pasteurian theories of interpsychology Tarde, the contingentisme Boutroux. Illustrative of this combination, we will stop on the speech specifically around the female criminal who naturalizes the look. We will stop the repeat offender, social danger par excellence, to be awarded, in a perspective of prevention, hazardous characteristics. The law of 27 May 1885 on repeat offenders relegation validate this concept by integrating it with the term of incorrigibility, irreducible wickedness. The law on transportation, eugenics law par excellence, whose main purpose is the beggar will be abandoned in 1969 .We will find this conception of the wild nature of the offender and uneducable ; Les sciences de l'homme sont requises, particulièrement depuis le XIXème siècle, pour donner à voir "scientifiquement" le social. Mais la mobilisation des savoirs se fait de telle façon, la relation est souvent si symbiotique entre la production des connaissances et ses contextes sociaux, économiques, politiques, culturels, que ce que ces savoirs donnent finalement ...

International audience ; Human Science is required, especially since the nineteenth century to make visible "scientifically" the social. But the mobilization of knowledge is so, the relationship is often so symbiotic between knowledge production and its social, economic, political, cultural, what ultimately give the knowledge to do it is primarily concerns more or less cyclical that generate them. Social sciences, they become in the social sciences, privileged social event in which they are ultimately submerged. Criminology in the nineteenth century it is absolutely exemplary perspective. The work carried out around this discipline and its conditions developed in France in the late nineteenth century is primarily a work on the issues: academic, social, political, philosophical. The issues that this "science of crime" is going to emerge.Cesare Lombroso and Alexandre Lacassagne, we will deal with a mix of biological and social and of a discourse that feeds positivism of Comte, Pasteurian theories of interpsychology Tarde, the contingentisme Boutroux. Illustrative of this combination, we will stop on the speech specifically around the female criminal who naturalizes the look. We will stop the repeat offender, social danger par excellence, to be awarded, in a perspective of prevention, hazardous characteristics. The law of 27 May 1885 on repeat offenders relegation validate this concept by integrating it with the term of incorrigibility, irreducible wickedness. The law on transportation, eugenics law par excellence, whose main purpose is the beggar will be abandoned in 1969 .We will find this conception of the wild nature of the offender and uneducable ; Les sciences de l'homme sont requises, particulièrement depuis le XIXème siècle, pour donner à voir "scientifiquement" le social. Mais la mobilisation des savoirs se fait de telle façon, la relation est souvent si symbiotique entre la production des connaissances et ses contextes sociaux, économiques, politiques, culturels, que ce que ces savoirs donnent finalement ...

The article concentrates on the most essential elements of a social science as research, whereby research is strictly interpreted as the verification of a theory in a particular field but neither as "theorie sans terrain" nor "terrain sans theorie". Yet even if this particular employment in the field of social science is explicitly conceived of as privileging the logic of discovery and the strictures of proof in opposite to all preconstructed themes, theories and traditions of different disciplines, it cannot simply be reduced to the standpoint of pure logic. Engagement for social science as reflexive research means to further its practical, political acceptance by using the results obtained from research, means fighting for her autonomisation in terms of contributing to the creation of appropriate forms of sociability for its activities and reception (such as the formation of a reading public, discussion forums, effective tools with which to combat social barriers to the attainment of knowledge, etc.). ; The article concentrates on the most essential elements of a social science as research, whereby research is strictly interpreted as the verification of a theory in a particular field but neither as "theorie sans terrain" nor "terrain sans theorie". Yet even if this particular employment in the field of social science is explicitly conceived of as privileging the logic of discovery and the strictures of proof in opposite to all preconstructed themes, theories and traditions of different disciplines, it cannot simply be reduced to the standpoint of pure logic. Engagement for social science as reflexive research means to further its practical, political acceptance by using the results obtained from research, means fighting for her autonomisation in terms of contributing to the creation of appropriate forms of sociability for its activities and reception (such as the formation of a reading public, discussion forums, effective tools with which to combat social barriers to the attainment of knowledge, etc.).

This article seeks to outline a contemporary anthropological approach to crime and criminalization, an "anthropological criminology 2.0". This is an anthropological criminology which distances the subfield from its social Darwinist connotations and instead etches itself clearly onto a social and political anthropological tradition. In doing so, the article moves from Malinowski's initial functionalist and localist approach to present-day political and global orientations. It offers five distinct propositions for anthropological criminology to engage with in future: Five propositions, which we believe to be essential for future anthropological studies of crime and criminalization. With these as guidelines, our hope is to fully revive a much-needed dialogue between criminology and anthropology. As we shall see, anthropological and ethnographic insights are currently in demand as global, yet poorly understood, forms of crime are developing alongside ever more crude and amplified reactions to them.

Die Arbeit sucht nach Kriterien, die den Vergleich von und die Wahl zwischen kriminologischen Theorien ermöglichen. Ausgangpunkt ist die merkwürdige Lage der deutschen kritischen Kriminologie. Kapitel 1 diskutiert den Positivismusstreit und seine Konsequenzen für die Kriminologie. Kapitel 2 widmet sich der Paradigmendebatte. Kapitel 3 und 4 setzen sich mit den Mainstream-Theorien - sowohl konventionellen wie auch kritischen - auseinander. Die Schlussbemerkungen (Kapitel 5) behandeln ethische, politische und epistemologische Standards der kriminologischen Theoriebildung und Forschung. Die Arbeit ist kein voreingenommenes pro domo für die kritische Kriminologie, sondern eine relativ kühle Betrachtung der gegenwärtigen Theorien. Sie zielt nicht auf eine Lösung von deren Problemen ab, sondern nur auf den Nachweis, dass kritische Kriminologie, wissenschaftstheoretisch betrachtet, nicht aus dem Spiel ist, sondern eine realistischere und legiti-miertere Alternative zum Mainstream. Diese Alternative stellt sich selbst – auf der Grundlage von Bruno Latour und Steve Fuller - als Teil einer umfassenden sozialen Kritik dar, die aber deswegen nicht weniger wissenschaftlich ist. Kritische Sozialtheoretiker streben nach Theorien, die Erklärung und Kritik verbinden können und deswegen nach Theorien, die sowohl normative als auch erklärende Eigenschaften beinhalten. Sie schließt sich nicht dem Chorus des "sterilen Selbstmitleids desillusionierter Ministranten" an, sondern versucht, mit wissen-schaftstheoretischen Mitteln zu zeigen, dass man sich für die kritische Kriminologie rational entscheiden kann. ; Starting point of the argument is the peculiar situation of German criminology. The dissertation is dedicated to the search for criteria within the realm of the theory of science that would make it possible to make an informed choice between different criminological theories. The main study object, therefore, are the respective patterns used to legitimate various conventional and critical criminological theories. The first chapter discusses the famous "Positivismusstreit" and its consequences for criminological theory. The second chapter takes a look at Kuhn's theory of paradigms and again, at consequences for criminology. The next chapters are discussing the mainstream theories in conventional and critical criminology. The work is not a pro domo for critical criminology, but a quite realistic consideration of the epistemological standards of criminology and of its legitimising patterns. In the light of theory of science and taking into consideration the peculiarities of criminology as a cultural phenomenon, there are good reasons for considering critical criminological approaches to be a more suitable way of coping with the cultural phenomena of crime and criminalisation.

For too long criminologists have either ignored consumerism or misunderstood the role it plays in the constitution and reproduction of our current way of life. Few in criminology have acknowledged that consumerism is now integral to our global political economy, and even fewer have offered critical accounts of the vital functional and ideological roles consumerism has played throughout the history of capitalism. There is, of course, a valuable literature that covers most aspects of consumerism and consumer culture, but the illuminating concepts and analyses associated with this literature have yet to be integrated into our discipline. Here we argue that criminologists must now make a concerted attempt to push critical accounts of consumerism towards the centre of our discipline.

The Conduct of Inquiry in International Relations (C of I) was not a book that I had any long-standing plans to write. The manuscript did, however, grow out of two related and long-standing frustrations that I had with discussions in Political Science in general and International Relations in particular about research design, causation, and the basic contours of knowledge-production. First of all, people seemed to invariably conflate questions of method or technique with questions of methodology or strategy of inquiry. Thus we had and continue to have rather problematic contrasts between "qualitative" and "quantitative" ways of doing social research as though the decision to use or not to use numbers had any determinate bearing whatsoever on the epistemic status of particular empirical claims. But whether or not one uses numbers is a question of technique, not a question of strategy, and as such cannot have any such profound impact; this means that in conducting these debates about how to do our work, we are working with impoverished and misleading terminology. Second, and related, people drew on extremely thin and partial conceptions of "science" as a way of warranting their positions; this was equally true of scholars contrasting "explaining" and "understanding" as ways of knowing, and of scholars reducing the entire panoply of the philosophy of science to the triumvirate Popper-Kuhn-Lakatos as though those were the only three people to have ever intervened in the de-bate about how science worked. When I taught my Ph.D. seminar on the production of valid empirical knowledge—entitled "The Conduct of Inquiry in International Relations"—I tried to allay both of these frustrations by equipping my students with a broader set of conceptual tools for thinking about these fundamental issues and articulating a defensible position with which they felt comfortable. This book derives from that seminar and from the frustrations that animated my pedagogy in that seminar.

Greenhouse gas removal (GGR) raises many cultural, ethical, legal, social, and political issues, yet in the growing area of GGR research, humanities and social sciences (HASS) research is often marginalized, constrained and depoliticised. This global dynamic is illustrated by an analysis of the UK GGR research programme. This dynamic matters for the knowledge produced and for its users. Without HASS contributions, too narrow a range of perspectives, futures and issues will be considered, undermining or overpromising the prospects for the responsible development of GGR (and threatening worse side-effects), and limiting our understanding of why and how policy demands GGR solutions in the first place. In response, we present policy principles for bringing HASS fully into GGR research, organized around three themes: (1) HASS-led GGR research, (2) Opening up GGR futures, and (3) The politics of GGR futures.

Much of the Camorra's literary production focuses on the aspects of military control of the territory and on predatory activities in politics and the economy. Less attention is paid to the social reproduction factors of organized crime groups. The aspects of mutuality and internal solidarity in the champs have never received a systematic and in-depth observation. This research instead proposes the analysis of the elements of legitimation and consent of the Camorra groups in the territories in which they are located. The welfare and its double is a work that is articulated through a rich system that uses quantitative and ethnographic methods: an approach located at the meeting point between sociology and anthropology in the analysis of social policies, which uses unpublished and difficult judicial documents availability. A demanding fieldwork in the Caserta area has in fact made it possible to decipher the forms of social assistance present: public and mafia ones. What emerges is the panorama of a criminal whole that ensures an incredible protection against affiliates and their families, which competes with the protections offered by public welfare. However, the results of this study show that it is precisely in the territories most affected by the mafia presence that new forms of social struggle are born. It is here, in fact - where criminal infiltrations affect welfare service contracts - that the most innovative social actions were born in defense of the weakest categories.

We live in a society that is increasingly preoccupied with allocating blame: when something goes wrong someone must be to blame. Bringing together philosophical, psychological, and sociological accounts of blame, this is the first detailed criminological account of the role of blame in which the authors present a novel study of the legal process of blame attribution, set in the context of criminalisation as a social and political process.