Suchergebnisse

Rad se bavi fokusiranim studijama zemljopisno povezanih i zemljopisno nepovezanih zemalja, odnosno regionalnim i komparativnim regionalnim studijama. U prvom dijelu opisuju se uloga i razvoj te vrste studija kao poddiscipline komparativne politike. U drugom dijelu iznose se rezultati kvantitativne analize sadržaja tekstova objavljenih u časopisima kojima je Fakultet političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu izdavač ili suizdavač. Predmet analize su regionalne studije Jugoistočne i Srednje Europe objavljene u tim časopisima. Cilj ovog istraživanja bio je utvrditi koje zemlje u svome okruženju hrvatski politolozi (i drugi autori koji u njima objavljuju na hrvatskom ili engleskom jeziku) najčešće istražuju te s kojim se zemljama Hrvatska najčešće komparira. Istraživanje je pokazalo da kada je riječ o istraživanju regije, politolozi sužavaju svoja istraživanja na zemlje bivše Jugoslavije. ; This article studies the focus studies of geographically connected and geographically not connected countries, i.e. regional and comparative regional studies. In the first part of the article, a description of the role and development of this type of studies as a subdiscipline of comparative politics is provided. In the second part, I present the results of quantitative analysis of the content of articles published in the academic journals published or co-published by the Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb. The objects of analysis are regional studies of South-East Europe published in the journals. The main goal of this article is to determine which countries in their regional surroundings are researched the most by Croatian political scientists (and other authors who publish such articles in Croatian or English language in those journals), and which countries Croatia is most often compared to. This research has shown that, with regard to studies of the region, Croatian political scientists mostly focus on the countries of the former Yugoslavia.

Rezultati teorijsko — komparativne analize i empirijskog dijela istraživanja u sklopu znanstvenoistraživačkih projekata "Genealogija i transfer modela interkulturalizma" (1991.— 1996.) i "Školski kurikulum i obilježja hrvatske nacionalne kulture" 1997. — 2002.) upućuju na zaključak kako ispitanici sebe vide primarno u okruženju nekih nacija: Hrvati, pa Amerikanci, Talijani, Nijemci i prema njima iskazujuj socijalnu blizinu. Kod nacija i etniciteta kod kojih je više iskazano neprihvaćanje: Srbi, Crnogorci, Romi., ne može se govoriti o crno-bijelim odnosima, jer istovremeno nije zanemariv postotak odgovora koji upućuju na prihvaćanje. Sličan je trend prisutan u odnosu na socijalne udaljenosti prema vjerskim skupinama. Dobiveni rezultati mogu pomoći definirati obrazovnu politiku te mogu pridonijeti neposrednoj školskoj praksi u procesu osuvremenjivanja odgojnog rada, i s gledišta rasterećenja od nepotrebnih sadržaja, prema uvođenju inoviranih programa, poboljšanju kvalitete udžbenika i drugih izvora znanja, u kontekstu interkulturalne pedagoške komunikacije. ; The results of theoretical-comparative analysis and of the empirical part of the study conducted as part of projects "Genealogy and transfer of models of interculturalism" 1991-1996 and "School curriculum and characteristics of Croatian national culture" 1997-2002 point to the conclusion that subjects perceive themselves as primarily surrounded by certain nations: Croats, then Americans, Italians, Germans, expressing greater social closeness towards them. In the case of less accepted nations and ethnic groups, such as Serbs, Montenegrins, Roma, etc. it is not possible to speak about "black and white" relations, since at the same time there is a certain percent of answers pointing to acceptance. There is a similar trend in the relation of social distance towards religious groups. The obtained results can help in the definition of educational politics and immediate school practice in the process of modernization of educational work from the viewpoint of clearing away the superfluous teaching matter as well as introduction of innovated programs and improvement of quality of textbooks and other sources of knowledge in the context of intercultural educational communication. ; Ergebnisse der theoretisch-vergleichenden Analyse und der empirischen Untersuchung im Rahmen der wissenschaftlichen Forschungsprojekte "Genealogie und Transfer des Interkulturalismusmodells" 1991-1996 und "Schulkurrikulum und Merkmale der kroatischen Nationalkultur" 1997-2002 lassen die Schlussfolgerung zu, dass die Befragten sich selbst und die anderen primar im Umfeld einer Nation betrachten: als Kroaten, Amerikaner, Italiener, Deutsche und dass sie zu diesen Gruppen eine ausgeprägte soziale Nähe aufweisen. Bei den Nationalitäten und ethnischen Gruppen, bei denen die Nichtannahme ausgeprägter ist, wie z.B. bei den Serben, Montenegrinern, Roma kann jedoch nicht von "schwarzweissen" Beziehungen gesprochen werden, da gleichzeitig der Prozentsatz der Akzeptanz zeigenden Antworten nicht zu vernachlässigen ist. Ein ähnlicher Trend zeigt sich auch im Verhältnis der sozialen Ferne zu den einzelnen Religionsgemeinschaften. Die erhobenen Resultate können bei der Definierung der Bildungspolitk und in der unmittelbaren Schulpraxis als Orientierung herangezogen werden, um den Ausbildungsprozess zu modernisieren, sowohl im Hinblick auf die Entlastung von unnötigen Lehrinhalten als auch im Hinblick auf die Einführung neuer Lehrprogramme und Verbesserung von Lehrbüchern und anderen Wissensquellen, im Kontext der interkulturellen pädagogischen Kommunikation.

Did the social changes of 1989/90, both on the territory of the former Yugoslavia & the entire Eastern Europe, surprise political analysts? Or did the research in social sciences, particularly political science, sociology, & psychology, perhaps supply enough material pointing to the possible changes as well as to the course they were going to take? In this work, the author gives a critical review of his studies conducted & published between 1980 & 1990 &, by hindsight, shows their relevance for understanding the recent radical & dramatic changes. Inevitably, the conclusion is that the author's research had pointed to the existence of all psychological conditions necessary for the events that followed. The long crisis, first economic & later political, gave rise to social unrest, which soon turned into general agitation. The powerful presence of the authoritarian structure of personality in these territories, the enduring xenophobia that, in combination with the appropriate ideological manipulation, easily leads to open inter-ethnic conflicts, the lack of both an adequate political culture & the democratic mechanisms of overcoming conflicts, within the context of decrepitude of an ideological project in a multiethnic community rife with historical conflicts, inevitably led into open conflicts. 5 Tables, 2 Figures, 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

Sigurnost je temeljni preduvjet opstanka, djelovanja i razvoja čovjeka, države i društva. Suvremene studije sigurnosti uključuju vojno, političko, socijetalno, gospodarsko i ekološko područje. Unatoč bitnom proširenju i produbljenju interesa, sigurnosne studije u područje interesa nisu uključile socijalnu sigurnost. U radu se propituju razlozi za teorijsko (ne)uključenje socijalne sigurnosti u suvremene sigurnosne studije. Analiza empirijskog činjeničnog obilja upućuje na zaključak o potrebi preispitivanja takvog stajališta. Socijalna sigurnost jest »sigurnosno područje«. Teorijski, analitički i empirijski u radu se dokazuje da socijalna sigurnost i njezini akteri imaju sigurnosne dimenzije zbog čega socijalna sigurnost treba biti dio sigurnosnih studija. ; Security is a fundamental prerequisite for existence, functioning and development of the human, state and society. The contemporary security studies include political, military, societal, economic and environmental sectors. In spite of the substantial widening and deepening of the approaches to security, social security is not included into security studies. This article critically examines the issues and reasons for the lack of inclusion of social security in the contemporary security studies. The analysis of abundant empirical facts suggests the need to reassess this view. This article theoretically, analytically and empirically proves that social security and its actors have a security dimension. Social security should be incorporated into security studies.

Ovaj se rad bavi jezičnom politikom i društvenim promjenama koje su se dogodile u Hrvatskoj za vrijeme i nakon rata koji je trajao od 1991. do 1995. godine. Počinjem opisom povijesne pozadine, rata i devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća, koje je obilježila velika količina jezičnog purizma i preskriptivizma u Hrvatskoj te stvaranje postjugoslavenskih država u kojima je pripadanje naciji predstavljalo ključ za definiranje državljanstva. Istraživanjem odnosa između promjena u jezičnom i društvenom poretku, problematiziram više tema. Tvrdim da je zakonski okvir prava manjinskog jezika osnažio i legitimizirao nacionalistički imaginarij, stvarajući daljnje društvene podjele i učvršćujući hijerarhije koje među nacionalnim kategorijama promoviraju određeni nacionalisti. Iz tog razloga, tvrdim da nekritičko odobravanje ili promoviranje lingvističke različitosti mogu biti opasni. Nadalje, u aktivističko-antropološkom smislu, razlažem moguće razloge zbog kojih su znanstvenici društvenih i humanističkih znanosti rijetko sudjelovali u sociolingvističkim raspravama koje se tiču novog hrvatskog standardnog jezika. Tvrdim da bi takvim raspravama u znatnoj mjeri doprinijelo sudjelovanje znanstvenika humanističkih i društvenih znanosti, jer bi se stvorila veza između sociolingvistike i ostalih grana humanističkih i društvenih znanosti te bi se tako odmaknuli od, prema mojem sudu problematične, politike usredotočene na "identitet". ; This paper focuses on language policy and social changes which have taken place in Croatia during and since the 1991-5 war. I first describe the historical background, the war and the nineties being marked by excesses of linguistic purism and prescriptivism, alongside the formation of post-Yugoslav states in which national belonging was key to defining citizenship. Through examining the relationship between changing linguistic and social orders, I raise a number of issues for discussion. I argue that the legal framework of minority language rights has consolidated and legitimated a nationalist imaginary, increasing social divisions and reinforcing hierarchies asserted by some nationalists between national categories. For this reason, I suggest that the uncritical endorsement of or promotion of linguistic diversity can be dangerous. Second, in an activist-anthropological vein, I discuss possible reasons why academics trained in the social sciences and humanities have rarely participated in sociolinguistic debates concerning the new Croatian standard. I suggest such discussions could greatly benefit from interventions by social scientists, so as to bring sociolinguistics into contact with other strands of the social sciences and humanities and move away from what I believe to be a problematic policy focus on "identity".

The essay deals with the evolution of the theory of transformation in German political science of the 1990s. This research was given fresh blood by the collapse of the communist systems in Eastern Europe. Realizing that the existing theories of transformation cannot be applied to Eastern European countries due to a plethora of important distinguishing features, German political scientists used two general starting points in their research. The first starting point is the theory of universal waves of democratization, which focused its research on the application of comparative methods & comparative politics. The second starting point is the assumption that Eastern Europe is undergoing the social system change & not the political regime change, which enormously broadened the research scope. These general starting points gave rise to a series of studies, which are among the best works from the field of the theory of transformation in contemporary political science. This also resulted in the first political science handbook on the theory of transformation. 31 References. Adapted from the source document.

Education & breeding, like culture in general, are, in the broadest sense, universal human phenomena inseparably linked & interactive. Anthropology, generally speaking, is a holistic science of man, his nature, & culture, so its approach & findings are always current, even in the scientific pedagogic treatment of education & its application. Because of that, the notions "education & breeding" & "anthropology," as a science of man & culture, are first theoretically determined so they can both contextually & explicitly be deduced & their necessary dialectical connection & mutuality be ascertained. The second, applied part of this paper is about religious education (scientifically, religiologically based) as a school subject & studies in the context of democratic social & political changes in Croatia & their relation to catechism. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the studies Hrestomatija politologije 1962.-2002. (Chrestomathy of Political Science 1962-2002) & Fakultet politickih znanosti 1962.-2002. (The Faculty of Political Science 1962-2002) & contends that these are the first serious contributions to the history of Croatian political science. The history of this discipline in the last 20 years has turned into a new subdiscipline of political science. The author shows that -- especially during the 1960s -- the so-called political science of the "new community" prevailed, a fact overlooked in these studies. Besides, he analyzes the concept of progress in Croatian political science used by the authors of Chrestomathy & shows that they lack understanding of the general idea of progress in political science. The author thinks that the rationalist-progressivistic concept of progress should be conceptually replaced by a contextual concept of progress in political science. 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

Ovaj rad predstavlja sintetičku studiju o filozofskim stajalištima al-Farabija i Ibn Halduna iz klasičnog islama te Arnolda Toynbeeja i Samuela Huntingtona s modernog Zapada o temi znanosti o civilizaciji. Na temelju aristotelovske ideje o istinskoj znanosti, ovaj članak dokazuje da su al-Farabi i Ibn Haldun bili istinski utemeljitelji znanosti o civilizaciji. Reformuliranjem tema koje tvore predmet ove znanosti, koju je definirao al-Farabi, Ibn Haldun ju je odjednom učinio razumljivijom i izumio je nekoliko novih znanosti kao njezinih ogranaka. Unutar epistemološkog okvira Ibn Haldunove nove znanosti o civilizaciji, Toynbee se poduhvatio istraživanja komparativne civilizacije, što tek treba zadobiti status znanosti. Nadalje se pokazuje da bi Huntingtonov mogući doprinos znanosti o civilizaciji mogao biti u konceptu politike civilizacije. U ovom stoljeću rafiniranija znanost o civilizaciji može nastati samo ako se sintetiziraju civilizacijska stajališta ovih i drugih mislitelja. ; This article presents a synthetic study of the philosophical views of al-Farabi and Ibn Khaldun from classical Islam and Arnold Toynbee and Samuel Huntington from the modern West on the subject of civilizational science. On the basis of the Aristotelian idea of a true science, this article argues that al-Farabi and Ibn Khaldun were the real founders of civilizational science. Through his reformulation of the topics constituting the subject matter of this science as first defined by al-Farabi, Ibn Khaldun immediately made the science more comprehensive and created several new sciences as its branches. Within the epistemological framework of Ibn Khaldun's new civilizational science, Toynbee developed the study of comparative civilization, which is yet to attain its true status as a science. It is further argued that Huntington's possible contribution to civilizational science would be through the concept of politics of civilization. A more refined civilizational science may only emerge in this century if the civilizational views of these thinkers and others are to be synthesized. ; Cet article présente une étude synthétique des perspectives philosophiques d'al-Farabi et d'Ibn Khaldoun issues de l'islam classique, et celles de Arnold Toynbee et de Samuel Huntington de l'Occident moderne. En se basant sur les idées aristotéliciennes de la science vraie, cette article démontre que al-Farabi et Ibn Khaldoun ont été les véritables fondateurs de la science de la civilisation. En reformulant les thèmes qui constituent l'objet de cette science définie par al-Farabi, Ibn Khaldoun l'a aussitôt rendue plus compréhensible et a créé de nombreuses sciences nouvelles qui consistent en des ramifications de cette science. Dans le cadre de la nouvelle science de la civilisation d'Ibn Khaldoun, Toynbee développe une étude comparée des civilisations, recherche qui doit encore atteindre le statut de science. Plus loin, il est montré que l'éventuelle contribution de Huntington aux sciences des civilisations pourrait se situer dans le concept de la politique des civilisations. Une science de la civilisation plus recherchée pourrait émerger au cours de ce siècle à la condition de synthétiser les diverses perspectives sur la civilisation de chacun des auteurs. ; Dieser Artikel präsentiert eine synthetische Studie der philosophischen Ansichten von al-Farabi und Ibn Chaldun aus dem klassischen Islam sowie von Arnold Toynbee und Samuel Huntington aus dem modernen Westen zum Thema Zivilisationswissenschaft. Auf der Grundlage der aristo telischen Idee einer wahren Wissenschaft vertritt dieser Artikel die Ansicht, dass al-Farabi und Ibn Chaldun die eigentlichen Gründer der Zivilisationswissenschaft waren. Durch seine Neu formulierung der Themen, die den Gegenstand dieser Wissenschaft bilden, wie sie zuerst von al-Farabi definiert wurde, machte Ibn Chaldun sie abrupt umfassender und schuf mehrere neue Wissenschaften als ihre Zweige. Innerhalb des epistemologischen Rahmens von Ibn Chalduns neuer Zivilisationswissenschaft trieb Toynbee die Erforschung der komparativen Zivilisation voran, die ihren wahren Status als Wissenschaft noch zu erlangen hat. Es wird weiterhin argu mentiert, Huntingtons möglicher Beitrag zur Zivilisationswissenschaft würde in dem Konzept der Zivilisationspolitik liegen. Eine raffiniertere Zivilisationswissenschaft könnte sich in diesem Jahrhundert nur dann herauskristallisieren, wenn die zivilisatorischen Blickwinkel dieser und anderer Denker synthetisiert werden.