Suchergebnisse

Rad se bavi fokusiranim studijama zemljopisno povezanih i zemljopisno nepovezanih zemalja, odnosno regionalnim i komparativnim regionalnim studijama. U prvom dijelu opisuju se uloga i razvoj te vrste studija kao poddiscipline komparativne politike. U drugom dijelu iznose se rezultati kvantitativne analize sadržaja tekstova objavljenih u časopisima kojima je Fakultet političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu izdavač ili suizdavač. Predmet analize su regionalne studije Jugoistočne i Srednje Europe objavljene u tim časopisima. Cilj ovog istraživanja bio je utvrditi koje zemlje u svome okruženju hrvatski politolozi (i drugi autori koji u njima objavljuju na hrvatskom ili engleskom jeziku) najčešće istražuju te s kojim se zemljama Hrvatska najčešće komparira. Istraživanje je pokazalo da kada je riječ o istraživanju regije, politolozi sužavaju svoja istraživanja na zemlje bivše Jugoslavije. ; This article studies the focus studies of geographically connected and geographically not connected countries, i.e. regional and comparative regional studies. In the first part of the article, a description of the role and development of this type of studies as a subdiscipline of comparative politics is provided. In the second part, I present the results of quantitative analysis of the content of articles published in the academic journals published or co-published by the Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb. The objects of analysis are regional studies of South-East Europe published in the journals. The main goal of this article is to determine which countries in their regional surroundings are researched the most by Croatian political scientists (and other authors who publish such articles in Croatian or English language in those journals), and which countries Croatia is most often compared to. This research has shown that, with regard to studies of the region, Croatian political scientists mostly focus on the countries of the former Yugoslavia.

Sigurnost je temeljni preduvjet opstanka, djelovanja i razvoja čovjeka, države i društva. Suvremene studije sigurnosti uključuju vojno, političko, socijetalno, gospodarsko i ekološko područje. Unatoč bitnom proširenju i produbljenju interesa, sigurnosne studije u područje interesa nisu uključile socijalnu sigurnost. U radu se propituju razlozi za teorijsko (ne)uključenje socijalne sigurnosti u suvremene sigurnosne studije. Analiza empirijskog činjeničnog obilja upućuje na zaključak o potrebi preispitivanja takvog stajališta. Socijalna sigurnost jest »sigurnosno područje«. Teorijski, analitički i empirijski u radu se dokazuje da socijalna sigurnost i njezini akteri imaju sigurnosne dimenzije zbog čega socijalna sigurnost treba biti dio sigurnosnih studija. ; Security is a fundamental prerequisite for existence, functioning and development of the human, state and society. The contemporary security studies include political, military, societal, economic and environmental sectors. In spite of the substantial widening and deepening of the approaches to security, social security is not included into security studies. This article critically examines the issues and reasons for the lack of inclusion of social security in the contemporary security studies. The analysis of abundant empirical facts suggests the need to reassess this view. This article theoretically, analytically and empirically proves that social security and its actors have a security dimension. Social security should be incorporated into security studies.

Ravnopravnost spolova središnja je tema u čitavome svijetu, pa tako i EU-u, gdje predstavlja jednu od temeljnih vrijednosti koju se nastoji integrirati u sve politike Europske unije, ali i programe financiranja EU-a. Analizirajući istraživanja o ravnopravnosti spolova na institucijama visokoga obrazovanja statistike idu u prilog činjenici da te institucije reproduciraju društvene vrijednosti koje dovode do spolne, rodne pristranosti, odnosno diskriminacije. Statistike pokazuju da postoji vidna razlika u tipičnim karijernim profilima za žene i muškarce, odnosno u odabiru znanstvenih područja. Razvidna je horizontalna segregacija, koja nimalo ne zaostaje za onom drugom, vertikalnom segregacijom koja upućuje na to da je top menadžment, ali i uspješniji karijerni put u visokoobrazovnim institucijama uglavnom rezerviran za muškarce. Ne zanemarujući činjenicu da je dostizanje ravnopravnosti spolova u visokome obrazovanju ipak dugoročni projekt koji bi trebao biti rezultat ne samo sveučilišnih politika, nego i institucionalnih vladinih mjera i politika, ovim se radom konstruktivno promišlja i aktualizira tema za buduća istraživanja, s provedenim istraživanjem na jedanaest ustrojbenih jedinica Sveučilišta u Mostaru. ; Gender equality is a central theme throughout the world, including the EU, in which it represents one of the core values that should be integrated into all EU policies, as well as EU funding programs. Analysing research on gender equality in higher education institutions, statistics support the fact that these institutions reproduce social values that lead to gender, gender bias, or discrimination. Statistics show that there is a visible difference in typical career profiles for women and men, e.g. in the selection of scientific fields. Horizontal segregation is evident, not far behind the other, vertical segregation, which indicates that top management, but also a more successful career path in higher education institutions, is largely reserved for men. In spite of the fact that the achievement of gender equality in higher education is nevertheless a long-term project that should be the result not only of university policies but also of institutional government measures and policies, this paper constructively deliberates and updates the topic for future research, with research conducted on eleven organizational units of the University of Mostar.

This article examines participation in Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) in Kosovo based on a recent survey and administrative data. Kosovo's ECEC policy aims to provide education and care for children aged 0 to 6 through an approach consisting of highly targeted public services for more vulnerable social groups, while expecting the rest to rely on the market or the family. It also provides a universal, public (2.5 hours a day) school preparatory programme for children aged 5-6 years. Availability of ECEC services has been rising, but remains well below the levels of the countries in the region. New services are increasingly coming through a market-based provision which leaves large social groups such as low-income families, rural families, parents with lower educational status and other socio-economically disadvantaged parents worse off. Since ECEC is considered highly relevant for children's personal development and success in school, as well as for female participation in the labour market, the findings suggest that the current policy contributes towards cementing and furthering social and gender inequalities in the long run. In the absence of more comprehensive public services and other supportive family policy measures, Kosovo maintains a strong implicit familialistic policy with a weak potential to contribute to women's employment. ; Rad analizira participaciju u ranom i predškolskom odgoju i obrazovanju (Early Childhood Education and Care – ECEC) na Kosovu na temelju nedavnog istraživanja i administrativnih podataka. Politika ranog i predškolskog odgoja i obrazovanja na Kosovu nastoji osigurati odgoj i obrazovanje za djecu u dobi od 0-6 godina pristupom koji sadrži izrazito ciljane javne usluge za ranjivije socijalne grupe, te očekuje da se ostali oslanjaju na tržište ili na obitelj. Osiguran je opći i javni predškolski program za djecu u dobi od 5-6 godina u (2,5 sata dnevno). Dostupnost usluga ranog i predškolskog odgoja i obrazovanja se povećava, no i dalje ostaje znatno ispod razina drugih zemalja u regiji. Nove usluge sve su u većem broju tržišne zbog čega su velike socijalne skupine, poput obitelji s niskim primanjima, ruralnih obitelji, roditelja s niskim obrazovnim statusom i drugih roditelja nižeg socio-ekonomskog statusa, u još nepovoljnijem položaju. Kako se rani i predškolski odgoj i obrazovanje smatraju izuzetno bitnim za osobni razvoj djeteta i uspjeh u školi, kao i za sudjelovanje žena na tržištu rada, rezultati pokazuju da sadašnja politika doprinosi jačanju i produbljivanju socijalnih i rodnih nejednakosti u dugoročnom pogledu. U izostanku sveobuhvatnijih javnih usluga i drugih mjera za podršku obiteljima, Kosovo održava snažnu implicitnu familijalističku politiku sa slabim potencijalom da pridonese zapošljavanju žena.

Ovaj se rad bavi jezičnom politikom i društvenim promjenama koje su se dogodile u Hrvatskoj za vrijeme i nakon rata koji je trajao od 1991. do 1995. godine. Počinjem opisom povijesne pozadine, rata i devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća, koje je obilježila velika količina jezičnog purizma i preskriptivizma u Hrvatskoj te stvaranje postjugoslavenskih država u kojima je pripadanje naciji predstavljalo ključ za definiranje državljanstva. Istraživanjem odnosa između promjena u jezičnom i društvenom poretku, problematiziram više tema. Tvrdim da je zakonski okvir prava manjinskog jezika osnažio i legitimizirao nacionalistički imaginarij, stvarajući daljnje društvene podjele i učvršćujući hijerarhije koje među nacionalnim kategorijama promoviraju određeni nacionalisti. Iz tog razloga, tvrdim da nekritičko odobravanje ili promoviranje lingvističke različitosti mogu biti opasni. Nadalje, u aktivističko-antropološkom smislu, razlažem moguće razloge zbog kojih su znanstvenici društvenih i humanističkih znanosti rijetko sudjelovali u sociolingvističkim raspravama koje se tiču novog hrvatskog standardnog jezika. Tvrdim da bi takvim raspravama u znatnoj mjeri doprinijelo sudjelovanje znanstvenika humanističkih i društvenih znanosti, jer bi se stvorila veza između sociolingvistike i ostalih grana humanističkih i društvenih znanosti te bi se tako odmaknuli od, prema mojem sudu problematične, politike usredotočene na "identitet". ; This paper focuses on language policy and social changes which have taken place in Croatia during and since the 1991-5 war. I first describe the historical background, the war and the nineties being marked by excesses of linguistic purism and prescriptivism, alongside the formation of post-Yugoslav states in which national belonging was key to defining citizenship. Through examining the relationship between changing linguistic and social orders, I raise a number of issues for discussion. I argue that the legal framework of minority language rights has consolidated and legitimated a nationalist imaginary, increasing social divisions and reinforcing hierarchies asserted by some nationalists between national categories. For this reason, I suggest that the uncritical endorsement of or promotion of linguistic diversity can be dangerous. Second, in an activist-anthropological vein, I discuss possible reasons why academics trained in the social sciences and humanities have rarely participated in sociolinguistic debates concerning the new Croatian standard. I suggest such discussions could greatly benefit from interventions by social scientists, so as to bring sociolinguistics into contact with other strands of the social sciences and humanities and move away from what I believe to be a problematic policy focus on "identity".

Ovaj rad predstavlja sintetičku studiju o filozofskim stajalištima al-Farabija i Ibn Halduna iz klasičnog islama te Arnolda Toynbeeja i Samuela Huntingtona s modernog Zapada o temi znanosti o civilizaciji. Na temelju aristotelovske ideje o istinskoj znanosti, ovaj članak dokazuje da su al-Farabi i Ibn Haldun bili istinski utemeljitelji znanosti o civilizaciji. Reformuliranjem tema koje tvore predmet ove znanosti, koju je definirao al-Farabi, Ibn Haldun ju je odjednom učinio razumljivijom i izumio je nekoliko novih znanosti kao njezinih ogranaka. Unutar epistemološkog okvira Ibn Haldunove nove znanosti o civilizaciji, Toynbee se poduhvatio istraživanja komparativne civilizacije, što tek treba zadobiti status znanosti. Nadalje se pokazuje da bi Huntingtonov mogući doprinos znanosti o civilizaciji mogao biti u konceptu politike civilizacije. U ovom stoljeću rafiniranija znanost o civilizaciji može nastati samo ako se sintetiziraju civilizacijska stajališta ovih i drugih mislitelja. ; This article presents a synthetic study of the philosophical views of al-Farabi and Ibn Khaldun from classical Islam and Arnold Toynbee and Samuel Huntington from the modern West on the subject of civilizational science. On the basis of the Aristotelian idea of a true science, this article argues that al-Farabi and Ibn Khaldun were the real founders of civilizational science. Through his reformulation of the topics constituting the subject matter of this science as first defined by al-Farabi, Ibn Khaldun immediately made the science more comprehensive and created several new sciences as its branches. Within the epistemological framework of Ibn Khaldun's new civilizational science, Toynbee developed the study of comparative civilization, which is yet to attain its true status as a science. It is further argued that Huntington's possible contribution to civilizational science would be through the concept of politics of civilization. A more refined civilizational science may only emerge in this century if the civilizational views of these thinkers and others are to be synthesized. ; Cet article présente une étude synthétique des perspectives philosophiques d'al-Farabi et d'Ibn Khaldoun issues de l'islam classique, et celles de Arnold Toynbee et de Samuel Huntington de l'Occident moderne. En se basant sur les idées aristotéliciennes de la science vraie, cette article démontre que al-Farabi et Ibn Khaldoun ont été les véritables fondateurs de la science de la civilisation. En reformulant les thèmes qui constituent l'objet de cette science définie par al-Farabi, Ibn Khaldoun l'a aussitôt rendue plus compréhensible et a créé de nombreuses sciences nouvelles qui consistent en des ramifications de cette science. Dans le cadre de la nouvelle science de la civilisation d'Ibn Khaldoun, Toynbee développe une étude comparée des civilisations, recherche qui doit encore atteindre le statut de science. Plus loin, il est montré que l'éventuelle contribution de Huntington aux sciences des civilisations pourrait se situer dans le concept de la politique des civilisations. Une science de la civilisation plus recherchée pourrait émerger au cours de ce siècle à la condition de synthétiser les diverses perspectives sur la civilisation de chacun des auteurs. ; Dieser Artikel präsentiert eine synthetische Studie der philosophischen Ansichten von al-Farabi und Ibn Chaldun aus dem klassischen Islam sowie von Arnold Toynbee und Samuel Huntington aus dem modernen Westen zum Thema Zivilisationswissenschaft. Auf der Grundlage der aristo telischen Idee einer wahren Wissenschaft vertritt dieser Artikel die Ansicht, dass al-Farabi und Ibn Chaldun die eigentlichen Gründer der Zivilisationswissenschaft waren. Durch seine Neu formulierung der Themen, die den Gegenstand dieser Wissenschaft bilden, wie sie zuerst von al-Farabi definiert wurde, machte Ibn Chaldun sie abrupt umfassender und schuf mehrere neue Wissenschaften als ihre Zweige. Innerhalb des epistemologischen Rahmens von Ibn Chalduns neuer Zivilisationswissenschaft trieb Toynbee die Erforschung der komparativen Zivilisation voran, die ihren wahren Status als Wissenschaft noch zu erlangen hat. Es wird weiterhin argu mentiert, Huntingtons möglicher Beitrag zur Zivilisationswissenschaft würde in dem Konzept der Zivilisationspolitik liegen. Eine raffiniertere Zivilisationswissenschaft könnte sich in diesem Jahrhundert nur dann herauskristallisieren, wenn die zivilisatorischen Blickwinkel dieser und anderer Denker synthetisiert werden.

The article analyzes the intelectual and institutional history of communication and media studies in Croatia using a mixed methods approach. Content analysis of articles dealing with communication and media topics published in social science journals, as well as all articles in specialized media and communication journals in the period between 1969 and 2011, shows the intelectual history of the discipline, with the comparative position of Politicka misao in the theoretical and methodological development of the discipline. The sample includes 481 articles, consisting of all full original articles dealing with communication and media topics published in odd years. Included are articles published in social science journals -- Nase teme and Kulturni radnik (both discontinued in 1990), Politicka misao, Revija za sociologiju, Drustvena istrazivanja and Informatologia, and in scientific journals devoted exclusively to communication and media studies (all started after 1990) -- Medijska istrazivanja, Medianali, Medijske studije. Institutional approach was employed for increased understanding of processes which influenced the development of the academic discipline of communication and media studies in Croatia. Results show an increase in number, the diversity of topics, theoretical approaches, and the scientific quality of published articles, and highlight institutional problems in the development of the discipline. Adapted from the source document.