Columbia studies in the social sciences
Vol. 1-33 lack whole numbering but constitute no. 1-88; no. 89-273 also called v. 34-124. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Edited by the Faculty of Political Science, Columbia University.
Vol. 1-33 lack whole numbering but constitute no. 1-88; no. 89-273 also called v. 34-124. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Edited by the Faculty of Political Science, Columbia University.
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Each no. also has a distinctive title. ; Vols. 1-33 lack whole numbering but constitute no. 1-88; no. 89-273 called also v. 34-124. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; "Edited by the Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University."
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Each no. also has a distinctive title. ; Title varies. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Edited by the Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University.
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Ilmu sosial mempunyai peranan penting dalam pengembangan kajian pendidikan Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial (IPS), diantaranya seperti geografi, sejarah, sosiologi, ekonomi, psikologi, antropologi, dan politik. Tujuan penulisan artikel ini untuk mendeskripsikan bagaimana keterkaitan ilmu sosial dalam pengembangan kajian pendidikan Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial (IPS). Desain penelitian yang digunakan pada penelitian ini berupa studi literatur. Strategi penelusuran data menggunakan berbagai buku, ebook, dan jurnal melalui platform google scholar dengan penelusuran melalui kata kunci terpilih. Hasil penelitian mendeskripsikan bahwa bidang ilmu sosial memiliki keterkaitan dalam kajian pendidikan Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial (IPS). Materi Pendidikan Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial (IPS) didasarkan atas dukungan konsep dari disiplin ilmu sosial, dalam bentuk tema-tema yang relevan dengan tujuan pembelajaran IPS diantaranya: waktu, keberlanjutan dan perubahan, manusia tempat dan lingkungan, produksi distribusi dan konsumsi, individu masyarakat dan institusi, budaya dan keragaman budaya, kekuasaan kewenangan dan pemerintahan, perkembangan individu dan identitas. Ilmu sosial berkontribusi untuk pengembangan program pendidikan Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial (IPS).
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The author analyzes the background of the recent disputes on the relevance of humanities and social sciences at national public universities in Japan. Based on the analysis, several themes emerge, including long term governmental policies to prioritize STEM fields, and the difficulties of identifying the values of the humanities and social sciences in countries that are linguistically isolated in the age of globalization.
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At a glance, 'borders' and 'boundaries' may seem synonymous. But in the real (geopolitical) world, they coexist as distinct, albeit overlapping entities: the former a state's delimitation of territory; the latter the social delineation of differences. The refugee crisis in Europe showed how racial and ethnic boundaries are often instrumentalised to justify the strengthening of state borders - regardless of the cost in human life. But there are other, less tragic, examples that illustrate this overlapping as well, and ultimately demonstrate that the oft-differentiated spheres of borders and boundaries are best understood through their relationship to one another. Deepening Divides explores this relationship from many distinct perspectives and national contexts, with case studies covering five continents and drawing on anthropology, gender studies, law, political science and sociology for a truly interdisciplinary collection.
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"Antiracism Inc. traces the ways people along the political spectrum appropriate, incorporate, and neutralize antiracist discourses to perpetuate injustice. It also examines the ways organizers continue to struggle for racial justice in the context of such appropriations. Antiracism Inc. reveals how antiracist claims can be used to propagate racism, and what we can do about it. While related to colorblind, multicultural, and diversity discourses, the appropriation of antiracist rhetoric as a strategy for advancing neoliberal and neoconservative agendas is a unique phenomenon that requires careful interrogation and analysis. Those who co-opt antiracist language and practice do not necessarily deny racial difference, biases, or inequalities. Instead, by performing themselves conservatively as non-racists or liberally as 'authentic' antiracists, they purport to be aligned with racial justice even while advancing the logics and practices of systemic racism. Antiracism Inc. therefore considers new ways of struggling toward racial justice in a world that constantly steals and misuses radical ideas and practices. The collection focuses on people and methods that do not seek inclusion in the hierarchical order of gendered racial capitalism. Rather, the collection focuses on aggrieved peoples who have always had to negotiate state violence and cultural erasure, but who work to build the worlds they envision. These collectivities seek to transform social structures and establish a new social warrant guided by what W.E.B. Du Bois called "abolition democracy," a way of being and thinking that privileges people, mutual interdependence, and ecological harmony over individualist self-aggrandizement and profits. These aggrieved collectivities reshape social relations away from the violence and alienation inherent to gendered racial capitalism, and towards the well-being of the commons. Antiracism Inc. articulates methodologies that strive toward freedom dreams without imposing monolithic or authoritative definitions of resistance. Because power seeks to neutralize revolutionary action through incorporation as much as elimination, these freedom dreams, as well as the language used to articulate them, are constantly transformed through the critical and creative interventions stemming from the active engagement in liberation struggles."
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Theoretical frameworks associated with science and technology studies (STS) are becoming increasingly prominent in social science energy research, but what do they offer? This review provides a brief history of relevant STS concepts and frameworks and a structured analysis of how STS perspectives are appearing in energy social science research and how energy-related research is appearing in social science STS. Drawing from an initial body of 262 journal articles and books with a stratified sample of 68 published from 2009 to mid-2019, the review identifies four major groups of perspectives: (1) STS-related cultural analysis, especially the study of sociotechnical imaginaries; (2) STS-related policy analysis, such as research on the social construction of risks and standards and on the performativity of economic models; (3) STS perspectives on public participation processes, expert-public relations, and mobilized publics; and (4) the study of sociotechnical systems, including large technological systems, the politics of design, and users and actor-networks. Connections among the perspectives and the value for energy social science research are also critically discussed.
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The purpose of this study is to set up an integrated elementary social studies and science program; informal, flexible, and democratic enough to be in keeping with the modern trends of education, and thus broaden the pupils' understanding so that satisfactory adjustments to their environment may be made. Statement of the Problem 1. How can social studies and elementary science be integrated so as to meet individual needs and promote better human relationship? 2. Should social studies and elementary science be integrated in the curriculum as a means of helping children develop perspectives relative to science as a social force in the modern world? 3. Will integrated social studies and elementary science programs help develop harmonious human relations and reinforce bonds of family life? Data for this study were secured from questionnaires sent to seventy-five teachers of urban, and rural areas to find methods of presenting the social studies and elementary science in the elementary school curriculum. In addition, periodicals, books, and teacher's manuels or bulletins served as guides to seek trends in procedures for teaching social studies and science in the elementary school.
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What are the virtues of institutions we take for granted-universities, the study of the social sciences and humanities, and scholarship on professions such as law? What are the vices of the disciplinary structure of the social sciences, even in the law and society movement and criminology that started as interdisciplinary projects? Research on regulation within an interdisciplinary structure, the Regulatory Institutions Network, is used to illustrate the difficulties of attempts to change direction in the social sciences. The article advocates the creative destruction of disciplinary structures by organizing in tents that study institutionalization (rather than buildings that study categories of institutions). To keep pace with social change, pulling tents down and endlessly pegging out new ones is a path forward. A politics of defending universities and opposing the disciplines that have captured them does not mean advocacy of restructuring. If more interesting work issues from poorly funded tents than from disciplinary edifices, reformers can advance creative destruction.
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What are the virtues of institutions we take for granted-universities, the study of the social sciences and humanities, and scholarship on professions such as law? What are the vices of the disciplinary structure of the social sciences, even in the law and society movement and criminology that started as interdisciplinary projects? Research on regulation within an interdisciplinary structure, the Regulatory Institutions Network, is used to illustrate the difficulties of attempts to change direction in the social sciences. The article advocates the creative destruction of disciplinary structures by organizing in tents that study institutionalization (rather than buildings that study categories of institutions). To keep pace with social change, pulling tents down and endlessly pegging out new ones is a path forward. A politics of defending universities and opposing the disciplines that have captured them does not mean advocacy of restructuring. If more interesting work issues from poorly funded tents than from disciplinary edifices, reformers can advance creative destruction.
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This analysis indicates that energy, and environmental friendly energy especially, has increased in importance within social science publishing and also in terms of Norwegian participation in national and international research projects. This heightened research interest reflects a stronger focus on environmentally friendly energy in general, in an international context and nationally. The requirements of deploying new energy technologies, reducing energy consumption and building effective and socially sustainable energy markets have to be addressed by politicians, but are also quite visible in international public debate. Social science studies actively contribute to such debate.
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The relevance of sociological theory for explaining the recent dramatic changes in Eastern Europe is at hand. The impact of the downfall of communism has been compared with those Great Transformations along which sociology evolved as a science of crisis par excellence (Habermas). The actual elaboration of a sociological theory of post-communist transformation and its relation to East European studies is, nevertheless, anything but clear. The unexpected collapse of socialism was perceived as a failure of prognosis and led to self-critical debates in all social science disciplines. In this rethinking its basic concepts, sociology is exposed to pressure from different sides - above all from the polemic launched with the surprising revival of the theory of totalitarianism against the ,,liberalist social sciences across the board. Influential historians like Robert Pipes, Martin Malia, Robert Conquest, and Francois Furet followed by sociologists from Robert Nisbet to Seymour Lipset hold the fatal influence exerted by social science concepts on Eastern European and Soviet Studies during the last decades responsible for the whole intellectual disaster in Western Academe which became apparent after 1989. These approaches, as the neo-totalitarian accusation runs, elevated Soviet socialism to a modernization strategy and conceded a reform capacity which, in fact, was not available. Target of this critique are all attempts of a social history from below, sociological theories of action and especially the positivist illusion of modernization theory. Blinded by political motives, it is said, the insights of (neo-)totalitarianism theory into the inevitable collapse of communism were dismissed. In order to correctly draw the lines in the controversies between neototalitarianism theory and the social science approach, it is helpful to follow them along the changing career of the concept of totalitarianism thereby reconstructing the sociological arguments involved in the current discussion on the disintegration of socialist societies. On this line it will be argued (section 2), that the crisis of the classic theory of totalitarianism and the social science approach in Soviet studies did not follow from a politically motivated revisionism since the 1960s and 1970s. Analysing the socialist societies after 1945 was shaped from the very beginning by sociological, political science and economic models, which contrasted with fundamental assumptions of the classic concept of totalitarianism (section 3). The findings generated by this type of research as well as its limits are revealed when it comes to explaining the disintegration of Soviet socialism. The neo-totalitarianist's objection is correct that ranging socialism in an evolutionary scheme of ascending forms of society was problematic. This construction seems highly inadequate in view of the postcommunist crises and regressions (section 4). On the other hand, a coherent and self-reliant neo-totalitarianism theory is not visible (section 5). Instead the research on Eastern Europe after 1989 has seen an explosive growth of the social science approach in the course of which many revisionist theorems have been refuted, modified or confirmed. Nevertheless, the wave of social science theories entering the post-communist studies does not imply a way back to the golden age of classic modernization theory. The lesson to be learned from (neo-)totalitarianism theory concerns the stress it lays on domination and its specific irrationalities, variables which were indeed neglected by mainstream sociology and, after the Soviet breakdown, are ignored by the liberalist optimism of neoclassic reform programmes. The drama of the post-communist crises reminds us that there are no hidden hands and no evolutionary universals which would lead, quasi automatically, to modernity. On the other hand, the lesson to be learned from the social science approach is that even the most total totalitarianism did not result from a logic of history, but from certain constellations of interests, reciprocities between rulers and ruled, institutions of administration and value commitments, etc. which are quite accessible to a reconstruction in sociological terms.
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This quantitative study was conducted to identify the misconception between social studies and social sciences among pre-service elementary teachers. Data were collected from the subjects (n=122) drawn by cluster sampling in Yogyakarta. Aiken's validity and Cronbach Alpha were then employed to examine the instrument's quality. Collected data were analyzed using descriptive techniques to examine the level of misconception. The popular misconceptions between social studies and social sciences were identified by the criteria developed by Abraham, Grzybowski, Renner, Marek (1992). The results of the study show that there was a greater understanding of social studies and social sciences for the specific fields of geography, anthropology, and politics. Therefore, the main emphasis should be placed on these fields. The fields that were misconceived included economics, geography, and history. The implications of this research will eventually become the basis and guideline for social studies lecturers to give emphases on the fields of study belonging to social studies, distinguishing them from those of social sciences. In addition, each social science discipline adopted into social studies must receive special attention, given the greater level of misconception among the pre-service teachers in these fields.
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This article reveals the meaning and content of the linguistic and cultural studies integration into social and political science course in the training of future politicians. The article reflects the importance of linguistic and cultural studies for the formation of language competence of students as well as skills of political communication, for understanding the characteristics of the country's social and political issues. The interdisciplinary approach emphasises the relationship in the study of linguistic, cultural, and political agenda, characterises the interdisciplinary essence of regional studies. The critical discourse analysis (CDA) of political texts was chosen as the key methodological strategy for the efficient development of political communication and problem-solving skills. The authors propose the implementation of a special interdisciplinary course for the first-year students majoring in philology and political studies, focused on the studying the political and cultural features of a language-targeted country by means of CDA. We compared the results of students' political communication skills development prior and post- course period and we observed the improvement according to the following criteria: perception of the vocabulary and functional language structures (by 17%); analysis of cultural and political agenda from the explicit and implicit language structures (by 23%); text annotation (by 50%); text production, distribution and target audience analysis (by 10%). Moreover, it was observed that CDA implementation facilitated the development of critical thinking skills as well as the skills of texts decoding.
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