SAAKASHVILI ITCHING TO ENTER UKRAINE
In: The current digest of the post-Soviet press, Band 69, Heft 32, S. 16-17
In: The current digest of the post-Soviet press, Band 69, Heft 32, S. 16-17
In: The current digest of the post-Soviet press, Band 68, Heft 18-019, S. 15-16
Following the collapse of Communist regimes across Eurasia, ecuritization became a pressing problem for newly emerging democracies as ruling elites in many post-Soviet states used securitization as a shield for retaining power. This study is based on case study analyses and has two objectives: to highlight the dynamics of Georgia's securitization process, and to show how this process corresponds to existing theoretical and empirical experience. It is evident that the formulation of threat perceptions and the decision making process in Georgia have been constructed and dominated by the elite of the United National Movement(UNM). Georgia's move under Saakashvili's regime on securitization has been fairly controversial – it has been responsible for both the rise and then the fall of his regime. During the last decade, Georgia under Saakashvili's rule has represented a bright illustration of the beginning of a successful and then failed securitization process. Research shows thatsecuritization can be successful in the short run and is particularly likely to succeed in post-communist and Eurocentric countries, ruled by authoritarian or "competitive authoritarian regimes". However, in the long run, securitization leads to the curbing of basic freedoms and the introduction of far-reaching extraordinary measures in the name of security cannot sustain itself and inevitably fails.
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In: The current digest of the post-Soviet press, Band 69, Heft 37, S. 12-13
In: The current digest of the post-Soviet press, Band 69, Heft 37, S. 13-13
In: Nations and nationalism: journal of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism, Band 24, Heft 4, S. 1185-1206
ISSN: 1469-8129
AbstractAfter the 2003 Rose Revolution, the Georgian government strove to integrate its disaffected Armenian and Azeri minorities, settled in southern Georgia across the border from their kin states. This article sheds novel light on this nationalisation drive. It argues that the centre's nation‐building entrepreneurs – the Mississippdaleulni – laboured to spur minorities in the ethnic enclaves first to interact with the heartland and then to adapt to its language. Officials invested in infrastructure and extended the state's clout into the borderlands so as to foster inter‐ethnic contacts. In tandem, the authorities promoted the Georgian language in the civil service, demoted the Russian tongue, and acculturated pupils to the state language. This nationalisation drive, I conclude, drew upon the same set of tools that Eugen Weber recorded French authorities as using in the opposite corner of Europe centuries ago.
In: Caucasus survey: journal of the International Association for the Study of the Caucasus, Band 5, Heft 1, S. 51-64
ISSN: 2376-1202
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of democracy, Band 27, Heft 1, S. 110-123
ISSN: 1086-3214
Abstract: This paper looks at Georgia's path to reform in 2004–2012. The author argues that the young, ideologically and structurally cohesive elite capitalized on the window of opportunity and implemented "big bang" reform in 2004–2008. As time passed, the new incumbents developed vested interests that became apparent with the reemergence of a state-business nexus reemerged in 2008–2012. During the Saakashvili administration, these interests undermined market competition, and elite networks used state power to control economic and political structures. Even though concerns over particularistic practices have remained, petty bribery has decreased substantially.
In: Politique internationale: pi, Heft 147
ISSN: 0221-2781
An interview with Eka Zguladze, Vice-Minister of the Interior of the Ukrainian government since 2014. It's a huge challenge, she decided to take up without hesitation. At 36, Georgian Eka Zguladze was appointed Deputy Interior Minister in the new Government of Ukraine, December 17, 2014. It is part of foreign reformers called by the Chairman Petro Poroshenko to carry out its reform program and avoid collusion between politicians and the business community - and this in a country where corruption remains endemic. Among them, former Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili is responsible for overseeing all the reforms while American Natalie Jaresko was given the finance portfolio. Adapted from the source document.
In this work we've studied the peculiarities of use of the opponent's disqualification strategy in the French and Georgian pre-election political discourse and also we've analyzed how much the difference between the countries in terms of the levels of development (France as the developed democratic country and Georgia as the developing, post soviet country) defines the specificity of the above strategy. We studied the discourses said by the French politicians, Nicolas Sarkozy and Francois Hollande, and the Georgian politicians Mikheil Saakashvili and Bidzina Ivanishvili in 2012. The study was based on the argumentative, contrast and interdisciplinary methods. The analysis results showed that the approach of the French politicians to the opposition is much more balanced in the French discourse and is limited by light allegations compared with the Georgian one, while the heavy allegations are heard in the Georgian discourse in respect to the opponent that is stipulated by still undeveloped democratic institutions in the country.
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В статье рассматриваются расклад политических сил перед парламентскими выборами в Грузии 2016 г., их ход и итоги, а также влияние на текущее состояние российско-грузинских отношений. За 25 лет грузинская политическая система прошла непростой путь становления. К началу 2010-х гг. в стране фактически сложилась однопартийная система, на базе которой и сформировался режим М. Саакашвили. Но на парламентских выборах 2012 г. система рухнула. Вопреки многочисленным прогнозам, победила новая политическая сила оппозиционная коалиция «Грузинская мечта» во главе с Б. Иванишвили. Тем не менее выборы 2016 г. показали, что старая система воспроизводится: речь снова идет о доминировании одной политической партии, обладающей при этом невнятной идеологией и программой. Главное достоинство «Грузинской мечты» ее прагматизм и реалистичность. Проигравшие же политические силы оказались в ситуации глубокого и практически безвыходного кризиса. Однако перед правящей партией стоят серьезные вызовы. Грузинская экономика переживает не лучшие времена. Перспективы интеграции страны в западное экономическое и военно-политическое пространство также неочевидны. Отношения с Россией, несмотря на ряд положительных тенденций, имеют ряд существенных политических ограничений, которые вынуждена учитывать любая политическая сила, оказавшаяся у власти в Грузии. Диаметрально противоположные позиции Москвы и Тбилиси в отношении проблемы Абхазии и Южной Осетии не позволяют надеяться на фундаментальные изменения в политическом диалоге, который находится в полузамороженном состоянии.The article deals with the distribution of political forces before the parliamentary elections in Georgia in 2016, their process and results, their influence on the current status of the relations between Georgia and Russia. For 25 years, Georgian political system has passed a difficult way of development. By the early 2010s in fact the country had developed a one-party system on the basis of which the regime of Saakashvili was formed. However, at the parliamentary elections in 2012 the system collapsed. Contrary to numerous predictions a new political force "Georgian Dream " led by V Ivanishvili won. Nevertheless, the elections of 2016 has shown that the old system is recurring: the question is about the dominance of one political party without obvious ideology and program. The main advantage of "Georgian Dream" is its pragmatism and realism. The defeated political forces have tackled a situation of deep and almost desperate crisis. However, the ruling party is facing serious challenges. The Georgian economy is going through hard times. The perspectives of integration in western economic, military and political space for the country is unobvious. The relations with Russia despite some positive tendencies have some significant political constraints which every ruling political force in Georgia shall take into consideration. Diametrically opposite positions of Moscow and Tbilisi related to the problem of Abkhazia and South Ossetia do not allow to expect a fundamental change in the political dialogue which has a semi-frozen status.
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In: Nationalities papers: the journal of nationalism and ethnicity, Band 44, Heft 5, S. 694-712
ISSN: 1465-3923
Since the Rose Revolution (2003), Georgia has encountered an unprecedented scale of institutional reforms concomitant with the rise of American and European involvement in the "democratization" process. Various scholars have suggested that Georgian nationalism developed from an ethno-cultural basis to a more civic/liberal orientation after the Rose Revolution. This paper analyzes Georgian nationalism under President Mikheil Saakashvili to demonstrate the significant divergence between political rhetoric on national identity, the selection of symbols, and state policy toward the Georgian Orthodox Church versus state policy toward ethnic minorities. The aim of this article is to examine the at times conflicting conceptions of national identity as reflected in the public policies of Saakashvili's government since the Rose Revolution. It attempts to problematize the typologies of nationalism when applied to the Georgian context and suggests conceptualizing the state-driven nationalism of the post-Rose Revolution government as "hybrid nationalism" as opposed to civic or ethno-cultural.
In: Slovak journal of political sciences: the journal of University of Saint Cyril and Metodius in Trnava = Slovenská politologická revue, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 222-240
ISSN: 1335-9096
The article is dedicated to analyse the politics of so called "historical memory" during the state-building and nation-building process in post-socialist Georgia After the Rose Revolution 2003, the new government that aimed at building the "new Georgia," implementing radical changes in many key spheres, including institutions, readdressing the totalitarian past, faced number of problematic manifestations in political and cultural life in this post-Soviet country. The "politics of memory" became one of the key factors of reconstructing of "new, democratic, western Georgia". This process can be evaluated as leading toward state nationalism. Analyzing the politics of memory, symbolism is the most notable attitude and that is why former President Mikheil Saakashvili used commemorative ceremonies continuously. The authors argue in favour of approach, that the so called "memory politics" is the integral part of one's legitimacy building, but at the same time, it can be used as tool for reconsidering of Polity's future and mobilization of population under the "citizenship" umbrella towards the strong loyalty to the actual and future state-building.
In: Nationalities papers: the journal of nationalism and ethnicity, Band 45, Heft 4, S. 669-686
ISSN: 1465-3923
This paper examines the history of the restoration, or more accurately, reconstruction of Bagrati Cathedral in western Georgia. Constructed in 1003, Bagrati Cathedral is an important cultural monument in the political and architectural history of Georgia. Destroyed by an explosion in 1691, the cathedral was inscribed on UNESCO's World Heritage List in 1994 in its ruined state. However, the Georgian government under President Mikheil Saakashvili and Georgian Orthodox Church (GOC) officials made the reconstruction and reconsecration of the cathedral a priority. The reconstruction of Bagrati Cathedral, completed in September 2012, brought the differing aims of Georgian politicians, GOC officials, and architectural historians – the major players in the process – into sharp focus. This paper maintains that the rebuilding of Bagrati Cathedral was part of Saakashvili's political agenda, which merged with the interests of the GOC and worked against the objectives of architectural historians and the aims of academic principles of restoration and preservation. The result is that Bagrati has been rebuilt but is under threat of removal from the World Heritage List. The story of Bagrati's reconstruction has implications for the future of monument preservation and restoration in Georgia.
Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union independent country of Georgia was faced ultimate challenges both in internal as well as foreign political spheres. Leader of the national movement and the first president of the Republic Zviad Gamsakhurdia was found victim of international isolation. Pro-European course of Georgia is connected to the presidency of Eduard Shevardnadze, former foreign minister of the Soviet Union, whose political project was to push Georgia to full membership of Euro Atlantic organizations. These tendencies became even stronger since 2003, after the "Rose Revolution", under the government of the third president of Georgia Mikheil Saakashvili. In parallel with achievements on the way of Euro Integration anti-Western feelings were gradually emerged and strengthened in the Georgian public discourse. The successes in the pro-European politics and attempts to ratify the European legislative and constitutional norms were accompanied with protests supported by some public and political figures. The paper aims at analysing controversial nature of the process of Georgia's European Integration with its under streams and flows what have been making the process complicated.
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