This book addresses the issue of one of the most visible and debated currents in contemporary radical Islam. It sheds light on the history, the fundamental principles, and the political and religious translations of Salafism and explains current events involving Salafist actors in an objective and dispassionate manner. The author explains with precision the different contemporary Salafist mobilizations by illustrating them with specific cases while shedding light on the main debates related to this mode of understanding of the Muslim religion, such as its potential role in triggering certain forms of violence, the way to compare it to other fundamentalist versions in other religions, or the way to describe, in terms of social sciences, the main concepts and discourses that can be observed in this current of Islam today. Mohamed-Ali Adraoui is Research Fellow and Lecturer in International Relations at Sciences Po Paris, France.
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In the middle east, Salafism has gained prominence during the last two decades. This is especially true in countries such as Kuwait and Saudi Arabia where a political version of Salafism, often labeled sahwa, emerged as a significant social movement. In Yemen, however, the main Salafist trend is characterized by an apparently apolitical stance (.).
In the middle east, Salafism has gained prominence during the last two decades. This is especially true in countries such as Kuwait and Saudi Arabia where a political version of Salafism, often labeled sahwa, emerged as a significant social movement. In Yemen, however, the main Salafist trend is characterized by an apparently apolitical stance (.).
International audience ; Les évolutions des quarante dernières années auront montré que la trajectoire de politisation des salafistes quiétistes répond à des considérations éminemment contextuelles et ne saurait donc être appréhendée par le seul prisme des doctrines religieuses. Les différentes expériences évoquées dans ce chapitre présentent néanmoins des points communs qui permettent d'identifier un rapport spécifique, réactif et exclusif, des salafistes quiétistes à l'engagement politique. En effet, ce dernier survient généralement en réponse à la montée en puissance de courants islamistes rivaux plutôt qu'en raison d'un intérêt pour le pouvoir en tant que tel. L'exclusivisme des salafistes se déploie donc surtout contre les autres courants islamistes et cela parce qu'ils identifient le champ religieux, plutôt que politique, comme domaine principal de la lutte. Adopter, à l'inverse, un rapport proactif et inclusif à l'engagement politique, c'est-à-dire prioriser la conquête du pouvoir par le biais d'une alliance avec d'autres forces, notamment islamistes, implique pour les groupes concernés un changement radical de logiciel qui, lorsqu'il survient, rend ténue, et donc poreuse, la frontière idéologique séparant les salafistes politisés des Frères Musulmans.
International audience ; Les évolutions des quarante dernières années auront montré que la trajectoire de politisation des salafistes quiétistes répond à des considérations éminemment contextuelles et ne saurait donc être appréhendée par le seul prisme des doctrines religieuses. Les différentes expériences évoquées dans ce chapitre présentent néanmoins des points communs qui permettent d'identifier un rapport spécifique, réactif et exclusif, des salafistes quiétistes à l'engagement politique. En effet, ce dernier survient généralement en réponse à la montée en puissance de courants islamistes rivaux plutôt qu'en raison d'un intérêt pour le pouvoir en tant que tel. L'exclusivisme des salafistes se déploie donc surtout contre les autres courants islamistes et cela parce qu'ils identifient le champ religieux, plutôt que politique, comme domaine principal de la lutte. Adopter, à l'inverse, un rapport proactif et inclusif à l'engagement politique, c'est-à-dire prioriser la conquête du pouvoir par le biais d'une alliance avec d'autres forces, notamment islamistes, implique pour les groupes concernés un changement radical de logiciel qui, lorsqu'il survient, rend ténue, et donc poreuse, la frontière idéologique séparant les salafistes politisés des Frères Musulmans.
International audience ; Les évolutions des quarante dernières années auront montré que la trajectoire de politisation des salafistes quiétistes répond à des considérations éminemment contextuelles et ne saurait donc être appréhendée par le seul prisme des doctrines religieuses. Les différentes expériences évoquées dans ce chapitre présentent néanmoins des points communs qui permettent d'identifier un rapport spécifique, réactif et exclusif, des salafistes quiétistes à l'engagement politique. En effet, ce dernier survient généralement en réponse à la montée en puissance de courants islamistes rivaux plutôt qu'en raison d'un intérêt pour le pouvoir en tant que tel. L'exclusivisme des salafistes se déploie donc surtout contre les autres courants islamistes et cela parce qu'ils identifient le champ religieux, plutôt que politique, comme domaine principal de la lutte. Adopter, à l'inverse, un rapport proactif et inclusif à l'engagement politique, c'est-à-dire prioriser la conquête du pouvoir par le biais d'une alliance avec d'autres forces, notamment islamistes, implique pour les groupes concernés un changement radical de logiciel qui, lorsqu'il survient, rend ténue, et donc poreuse, la frontière idéologique séparant les salafistes politisés des Frères Musulmans.
"The emergence of the political Salafism in Egypt after the January 25 uprising took many observers by surprise. Salafis, whom once deemed politics as heresy and religiously prohibited (haram), became a key political force after the uprising. They established political parties, contested elections, and vied for public office. The Al-Nour Party, the main Salafi party, played a key role in Egypt's politics with undeniable political propensity. However, after the removal of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) from power in 2013, Al-Nour Party's image and credibility was significantly affected. The party supported the coup against President Mohamed Mursi which undermined its clout and appeal among Islamists. Therefore, it fared poorly in the 2015 elections where it won only 12 out of 596 parliamentary seats. After the coup, Salafis came a full circle and began to rethink politics as it is no longer a blessing but a curse." (author's abstract)
In academic and political discourses on radicalization Salafism is routinely identified as the ideological breeding-ground of violent Jihadism and terrorism in both Western and Middle Eastern contexts. It is not clear however, despite an alleged ideological proximity, whether Salafism is a socializing agent of violent Jihadi activists. While the majority of European terrorists were not adherents of strict Salafi orthopraxy before resorting to violence, Salafis themselves publicly denounce terrorism, are very critical of Jihadis, and even often claim to be a barrier against radicalization. Is Salafism therefore a facilitator or a bulwark against violent radicalization? Is there a difference of degree or nature between Salafism and Jihadism? How credible can Salafism be as an instrument for the prevention of radicalization and for de-radicalization? The interrogation of these questions is even more important as it occurs in a contemporary context where Salafism is facing a structural crisis: accusations of breeding terrorism, the phenomenon of "Salafi burn-outs", the challenge of young generations ("how to be born from a born again?"), the disappearance of traditional Salafi shaykhs, the end of the Saudi sponsorship of transnational Salafism, the autonomization of Salafism vis-à-vis Saudi-Wahhabi tutelage, and unprecedented adaptations to the upheavals of Arab countries' political systems, all participate to the restructuring of Salafism as an ideology as well as a social force. This raises a number of questions: To what extent is Salafism in crisis? How has violent radicalization challenged Salafism? What are the new venues of activism and modes of engagement through which Salafis 'reinvent' Salafism? Are we now entering a post-Salafi era? Ultimately, is the crisis of Salafism good or bad news for violent radicalization? This e-book endeavours to provide the first systematic analysis of these issues based on the expertise of 13 scholars covering case-studies in North Africa, the Sahel/Central Africa, the Middle East, Europe, and South-East Asia.
AbstractHow do purist Salafist communities frame the issue of politics? Unlike Islamists and Jihadists who are known to display a reluctance towards political engagement, purist Salafists—especially those who live within a non-Muslim-majority country such as France—highlight that Islam has little to do with classical political activism. Consequently, a major issue that needs to be examined is how purist Salafists reconcile their desires to shape the society, through a process of public involvement that stops short of institutional engagement. The key question that is addressed in this piece is: to what extent is the notion of militant apoliticism relevant to describe this specific methods of public engagement?
This paper deals with the construction of progressive Salafism in online fatwa, particularly in the site of Islam Online. This website is established by Yūsuf al-Qarāḍāwī and his colleagues within the European Council for Fatwa and Research, which has been influenced by reformist-salafists, such as al-Shawkānī, al-Afghānī, 'Abduh, and Riḍā, who underline the role of text and modernity. The site's approach is progressive-substantialist (combining teks and reality), which is built on the principles of Islamic law on minorities (fiqh al-aqalliyyāt), like taysīr (facilitation), wasaṭiyyah (moderation), and i'tidāl (equilibrium), that are seen as universal values contributing to the creation of a global-pluralist society. Because of its moderate nature, the language used by the site tends to emphasize not on prohibiting and labelling "heretic", but on a solution to the problems people encounter. In relation to socio-political language, the concept of ummah is understood in an inclusive way. Ummah is built and based on the principles of belief (īmān) and Islam, and tied by the solidarity of the Quranic messages about Islamic monotheism (tawḥīd) and divine justice ('adl). The concept of ummah refers to the Quranic concepts such as ummah wasaṭ or ummah muqtaṣidah, which means "moderate community".[Artikel ini membahas tentang konstruksi Salafisme progresif dalam fatwa online, terutama situs Islam Online. Website ini didorong oleh Yūsuf al-Qarāḍāwī dan para koleganya dalam European Council for Fatwa and Research, yang dipengaruhi oleh salafi-reformis, seperti al-Shawkānī, al-Afghānī, 'Abduh, dan Riḍā, yang menghargai teks dan modernitas. Pendekatan situs ini adalah progresif-substansialis (menggabungkan teks dan realitas), yang dibangun pada prinsip-prinsip fikih minoritas (fiqh al-aqalliyyāt), seperti taysīr (memberikan kemudahan), wasaṭiyyah (moderat), dan i'tidāl (keseimbangan),yang dilihat sebagai nilai-nilai universal yang memberikan kontribusi bagi penciptaan masyarakat global yang pluralis. Karena watak modernnya, bahasa yang digunakan oleh situs ini cenderung tidak menekankan pada pengharaman dan pelabelan "bidah", namun menekankan pada solusi terhadap masalah-masalah yang dihadapi masyarakat. Terkait dengan bahasa sosial-politik, konsep umat dipahami dalam cara yang inklusif. Umat didasari pada prinsip iman dan Islam, dan diikat oleh solidaritas pesan Alquran tentang monoteisme Islam (tawḥīd) dan keadilan ('adl). Konsep umat mengarah kepada konsep Alquran seperti ummah wasaṭ atau ummah muqtaṣidah, yang berarti "komunitas yang moderat".]
AbstractThis article focuses on contemporary Salafism in the European context and how it speaks to the categories Wiktorowicz put forth in his seminal 2006 article. Specifically, it examines how we can identify, describe, and classify the main forms of Salafist religiosity in the context of Western European countries. Furthermore, by examining the relationship to politics, preaching, and orthodoxy and orthopraxy in several European societies, this analysis contributes to the debate on the typologies of Salafism and proposes new ways of conceiving and distinguishing the forms of attachment to this vision of Islam in the context of countries where this religion is a minority. It also shows that the fundamentalist and radical currents are even more attached to it despite or because of the strong attention they receive from the public authorities and the media.
On Salafism offers a compelling new understanding of this phenomenon, both its development and contemporary manifestations. Salafism became associated with fundamentalism when the 9/11 Commission used it to explain the terror attacks and has since been connected with the violence of the so-called Islamic State. With this book, Azmi Bishara critically deconstructs claims of continuity between early Islam and modern militancy and makes a counter argument: Salafism is a wholly modern construct informed by specific sociopolitical contexts. Bishara offers a sophisticated account of various movements--such as Wahabbism and Hanbalism--frequently collapsed into simplistic understandings of Salafism. He distinguishes reformist from regressive Salafism, and examines patterns of modernization in the development of contemporary Islamic political movements and associations. In deconstructing the assumptions of linear continuity between traditional and contemporary movements, Bishara details various divergences in both doctrine and context of modern "Salafisms" plural. On Salafism is a crucial read for those interested in Islamism, jihadism, and Middle East politics and history.
1. Introduction: Salafism after the Arab Awakening / Francesco Cavatorta and Fabio Merone. - 2. Revisiting Wiktorowicz: Categorising and Defining the Branches of Salafism / Joas Wagemakers. - 3. Unpacking the Sacred Canopy: Egypt's Salafis between Religion and Politics / Khalil al-Anani. - 4. Lebanon's Salafis: Opportunities and constraints in a divided state / Adham Saouli. - 5. Islamist dilemmas in post-Arab Spring Saudi Arabia / Stephane Lacroix. - 6. Salafi Movements and the Political Process in Morocco / Mohammed Masbah. - 7. The Establishment and Positioning of al-Rashad - a Case Study of Political Salafism in Yemen / Judit Kuschnitzki. - 8. The Dual Effect of the Arab Spring on Salafi Integration: Political Salafism in Jordan / Joas Wagemakers. - 9. Salafi Jihadism and the Syrian civil war: national and international repercussions / Thomas Pierret. - 10. The multi-faceted dimensions of Tunisian Salafism / Stefano Torelli. - 11. Kuwaiti Salafism after the Arab uprisings / Zoltan Pall. - 12. Gender Activism in Salafism: A Case Study of Salafi Women in Tunis / Iris Kolman. - 13. Quietist Salafis, the Arab Spring and the politicization process / Laurent Bonnefoy. - 14. Conclusion / Roel Meijer
