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Abstract: The issues related to political dowry are interminable. This interminability is the result of an indication of political dowry every time a general election or local election is held. Based on that background, this article describes the political dowry's detailed problems. In the beginning, the writer describes the definition of political dowry and its differences from political cost, the reasons for the restrictions, and the law enforcement on political dowry. It ended with some efforts to prevent political dowry.It is found that the definition of political dowry is different from political cost. The regulations restrict the practice of political dowry, but not for the political cost. The political dowry is restricted by law because it is against the national law's interest, which is the interest to have qualified and fair general elections and local elections. Heretofore, there is no legal punishment for the practice of political dowry due to the difficulty to prove the practice. There are some efforts to prevent the practice of political dowry: First, giving intensive supervision from The General Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) and its subdivisions; Second, revising the regulations in the Law of the Local elections for nominating the candidates; Third, revising the regulations in the law of political parties for nominating the candidates of the president and local government; Fourth, assigning the time limitation for the political parties to accept the political cost; and Fifth, enhancing the legal awareness of all parties involving in the practice of general elections or local elections.

There are two functions of the state liability principle. The first is to secure individual rights (including economic rights) from a wrongful act conducted by a government, and the second is to compensate for damage caused by the infringement of individual right. Economic right is inherently allowing an individual to pursue economic interest both domestically or globally. In order to accommodate this right, a government is obliged to provide trade rules and mechanisms for every individual to conduct their global economic activities by participating in the WTO. The objective of the WTO significantly corresponds to the individual's right in order to obtain trade benefits. Hence, when a government infringes trade rules and mechanisms underlined in WTO Law, it will directly restrict individuals from gaining trade benefits under the WTO or, moreover, it will restrain individuals from enjoying their inviolable economic rights. When the right is violated, and the damage occurs, it thus leads to the obligation for the government to compensate the damage according to the state liability principle. This article discusses the nexus between the state liability principle and WTO Law, in order to encourage national courts to exercise the function of state liability by referring to the infringement of economic rights caused by the violation of WTO Law.

The main objective of WTO Law is to accommodate individual's right in order to obtain better benefit of international trade. However, when a government violates WTO Law, it is therefore causing deprivation of individual right itself. Direct effect seems to be a feasible doctrine to provide a judicial protection for individual, in order to rebalance the right that is violated. Nevertheless, this doctrine is intractable to imply. This article discuss the polemic of giving direct effect of WTO Law and DSB Decision to domestic law to provide judicial protection for individual who becomes victim of WTO violation conducted by government

Small Medium Entreprises (SMEs) and Cooperative have not received a proper law protection in facing trade liberation of ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) and economic globalized world. In 2015 AEC has been established that would bring a huge change in Southeast Asia regionS and definitely will have a wide impact to business people in Indonesia. SMEs and Cooperative contribute to more than 90 percent of total Indonesian national economy. However, they are weak on investment and information technology and management skill as well as competition law among ASEAN Member States. Economic policies do not give a sufficient protection to SMEs and Cooperative. This article tries to seek solutions for SMEs problems especially their legal structure in order to enhance their competitiveness. This article argues that the government can provide legal protection by reforming SMEs economic sectors similar to the AEC's priority sectors by which the Indonesian' SMEs would become world class corporate.

Currently there are no indicators that can measure the effectiveness of the role of ASEAN in Southeast Asia, especially those related to human security issues in the safety of labor and migrants' mobilization. However, ASEAN still working through any possibilities of cooperation to prevent any threats that would endanger the personal securities of ASEAN community. This paper will further analyze the human security issues in Southeast Asia starting with conceptualizing, identifying, and engaging to find how is the effectivity of ASEAN in charge of prevent human security issues from sociology of law perspective with normative-juridical methodology combined with perspective of international relation approach. Based on the findings in conceptual and data, this research will show the problems that have been handled and have not been done by ASEAN institutionally. In addition to showing the relevance of the establishment of ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC) 2015 as an affirmation for all ASEAN member countries to respond to institutional human security issues especially in the mobilization of labor and migrants.

Selain memiliki dimensi sosial ekonomi, konflik agraria di Bongkoran, Kabupaten Banyuwangi, Provinsi Jawa Timur, Indonesia, juga memiliki dimensi hukum. Terdapat dualisme hukum yang konfliktual dalam hal penguasaan tanah dan klaim penggunaan. Satu pihak, pemerintah, dan korporasi mengandalkan hukum negara yang legalistik-positivistik, sedangkan masyarakat lokal mengandalkan hukum rakyat yaitu hukum informal yang sudah ada, hidup, dan berkembang dalam masyarakat komunal secara turun-temurun. Penelitian ini berfokus pada bagaimana perspektif sosiologis hukum menganalisis konflik hukum yang terjadi dalam konflik agraria Bongkoran, khususnya antara hukum negara dan hukum rakyat. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan perspektif sosiologi hukum. Subjek penelitian adalah petani/masyarakat Bongkoran, Penasehat Hukum Masyarakat, Pemerintah (Pemerintah Daerah, Badan Pertanahan Nasional, dan Kepolisian), dan unsur korporasi (PT Wongsorejo). Informan dipilih dengan menggunakan teknik purposive sampling, berdasarkan pertimbangan tertentu yang dapat dikenali terlebih dahulu yaitu mengenali dan memahami masalah yang diteliti. Pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui observasi, wawancara mendalam, dan dokumentasi. Data yang terkumpul dianalisis secara kualitatif dengan mengacu pada perspektif yang telah disajikan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penyelesaian konflik agraria di Bongkoran memerlukan implementasi hukum yang lebih berkeadilan bagi masyarakat lokal. Implementasi hukum tidak hanya berdasarkan pasal-pasal yang rigid dalam undang-undang, tetapi perlu memperhatikan konteks sosial budaya dan historis dari masyarakat. Dominasi hukum negara atas hukum rakyat dalam konflik agraria mengakibatkan praktik penundukan hukum negara ke hukum rakyat, baik secara persuasif maupun represif. Oleh karena itu, untuk meminimalisir ketegangan dan konflik antara hukum negara dan hukum rakyat dalam konflik agraria, diperlukan pemahaman baru tentang hubungan kedua hukum tersebut. Keberadaan dan penegakan hukum rakyat dijadikan sebagai elemen yang saling melengkapi dalam aspek normatif yang belum diatur dalam hukum negara. ; Apart from having a socio-economic dimension, agrarian conflicts in Bongkoran, Banyuwangi Regency, East Java Province, Indonesia, also have a legal dimension. There is a dualism of law that is conflictual in terms of land tenure and use claims. One party, the government, and corporations rely on legalistic-positivistic state laws, while local people rely on folk law, namely informal laws that have existed, lived, and developed in communal society for generations. This research focuses on how the sociological perspective of law analyzes the legal conflicts that occur in Bongkoran agrarian conflict, particularly between state law and folk law. This research used a qualitative method with a legal sociology perspective. The research subjects were farmers/people of Bongkoran, Community Legal Advisors (CLA), Government (Local Government, National Land Agency, and Police), and corporate elements (PT Wongsorejo). Informants were selected using a purposive sampling technique, based on certain considerations that can be recognized beforehand, namely recognizing and understanding the problem under this research. Data collection was conducted through observation, in-depth interviews, and documentation. The collected data were analyzed qualitatively by referring to the perspectives that have been presented. The results indicated that the resolution of agrarian conflicts in Bongkoran requires the implementation of laws that are more just for local communities. The implementation of the laws is not only based on rigid articles in the law, but it needs attention to the socio-cultural and historical context of the community. The dominance of state law over folk law in agrarian conflicts results in the practice of subjugation of state law to folk law, both persuasively and repressively. Therefore, to minimize the tension and conflict between state law and folk law in agrarian conflicts, it is necessary to have a new understanding of the relationship between the two laws. The existence and enforcement of folk law are used as a complementary element in normative aspects that have not been regulated in state law.

The declining attention of young voters on several aspects makes political education very vital for the sustainability of democracy in Indonesia. Political education for students who are young voters in this case are students of the Constitutional Law is considered important to increase their participation at the tertiary level, namely the election of DEMA (Student Executive Council) IAIN Madura. This study used an approach to students of the Constitutional Law study program, Islamic State Faculty of IAIN Madura through observation and interviews as well as data collection supported by document studies through several relevant kinds of literature so that data triangulation was then carried out to produce valid data. The results showed that in the aspect of students' initial knowledge about elections from several informants of the Constitutional Law study program students obtained data that they already had a good understanding of. Then on the aspect of student perspectives on campus politics, some of them do not know information about the election of the chairman of the DEMA (Student Executive Council) due to several reasons behind it. So then to increase student political participation in the election of the chairman of DEMA the author formulated three political stimuli, namely through learning political science courses, through campus organizations, and mass media.

GEMPITA pilkada gemuruhnya tengah memekakkan telinga publik. Mimpi dan imaji dibaurkan dalam "pentas demokrasi" sebagai arena memanggungkan janji-janji. 171 daerah membentuk formasi menyongsong "suksesi kepemimpinan lokal" berbiaya tinggi. Fenomena mahar politik tidak terbendung memenuhi jalan rekomendasi partai. Sengkurat kian beranjak dengan paslon-paslon yang tertindih derap korupsi dari ruang kesumat tahta dan harta. OTT KPK terberitakan dalam pekabaran tanpa jeda atas problema "kerakusan" paslon pilkada. Partai-partai tampak menarasikan "kesuciannya", sementara rakyat senantiasa mendapatkan suguhan mengenai "najisnya" pergulatan pasangan. Mahalnya sesi perhelatan pilkada mengkonstruksi ingatan yang konklusif betapa "berharganya jabatan". Apalagi posisi kepala negara. Pilpres tidak mungkin menafikan diri bebas dari "kerumunan persekutuan bandar". Itulah yang mudah dieja oleh khalayak di kala membaca lembar demi lembar kisah jelang coblosan di bentara pilkada.

Keabsahan demokrasi seyogianya berbanding lurus dengan perbaikan kehidupan sosial, lingkungan dan ekonomi. Tahun 2014 ini telah dinisbatkan oleh publik sebagai Tahun Politik dengan helatan coblosan 9 April (pileg) dan 9 Juli (pilpres). lni merupakan babakan demokrasi yang harus diapresiasi dengan segala implikasinya terhadap pelaksanaan pemba,rgunan berkelanjutan (sustainable development) yang menyodorkan tiga pilar keseimbangan: ekonomi, sosial dan lingkungan. Terhadap pelaksanaan pemilu ini ada sesuatu yang mengkhawatirkan secara ekologis. Berjuta-luta ton sampah plastik dari alat peraqa katnpanye yang berjajar dari Aceh sampai Papua dapat membahayakan keseimbangan ekosistem nasional. Kontestan yang tidak ramah lingkungan dalam bahasa yang hiperbolik dapat mengguncang tatanan ekologis lndonesia. Dan inilah yang sedang dipentaskan.

TULISAN ini merupakan permenungan atas realitas yang memperhinakan peradaban bangsa. Korupsi merayapi seluruh koordinat institusi negara yang jumawah kuasa dengan harta dan tahtah. Khalayak menyaksikan betapa korupsi menjadi produk keserakahan "modal maupun otoritas legal" yang menjalar di tubuh negara. Simaklah korupsi yang diungkap KPK selama ini, termasuk korupsi sektor: pertambangan, layanan umum, e-KTP, serta para penikmat dana BLBI, adalah orang-orang yang berbilang "sang kuasa" kapital. Kasus skandal BLBI yang "naik-turun" pengungkapannya, dana pungut dan sogokan yang melintas di pojok-pojok "terminal" kota, serta transaksi sumber daya alam di bumi Papua yang belum tergoyahkan, sungguh telah membelalakkan mata publik.