Tiede ja ase: Suomen Sotatieteellisen Seuran Vuosijulkaisu = Science and weapon : the annual book of The Finnish Society of Military Science
ISSN: 0358-8882
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ISSN: 0358-8882
ISSN: 0356-3669
In: Vaasan Korkeakoulun Julkaisuja
In: Tutkimuksia, Hallintotiede 86
In: Bidrag till kännedom av Finlands natur och folk 183
Engl. Zsfassung u.d.T.: Nature, science and technology - the image of Finland through popular enlightenment texts 1870 - 1920
In: Bidrag till kännedom av Finlands natur och folk 185
Engl. Zsfassung u.d.T.: Technology alongside science - Finnish academic scientists as developers of commercial technology during the 20th century
Tämän laadullisen tutkimuksen tarkoituksena on kuvailla terveydenhuollon lähiesimiesten kokemuksia ennakoivasta päätöksentekosta työssään. Ennakointi on tärkeää ja ilman sitä työn suunnittelu on haastavaa. Ennakoiva päätöksenteko on lähiesimiehelle tärkeä työkalu toimintaa suunnitellessa. Aineistona käytettiin kirjallisuuskatsausta ja kymmenen (n=10) lähiesimiehen haastattelua. Haastattelujen analyysi tehtiin sisällönanalyysin avulla. Tutkimustehtävä oli seuraava: Minkälaisia mahdollisuuksia terveydenhuollon lähiesimiehillä on ennakoivaan päätöksentekoon työssään? Tutkimuksessa tuli esille ennakoinnin tärkeys lähiesimiehen työssä. Ennakointi on arkipäivää. Kun muutoksia tulee paljon ja nopeassa aikataulussa, lähiesimieheltä vaaditaan kykyä reagoida muutoksiin nopeasti. Mahdollisuudet ennakoivaan päätöksentekoon ovat pääsääntöisesti hyvät. Lähiesimiehellä on paras tieto oman yksikkönsä vahvuuksista ja heikkouksista ja näitä tietoja hän pystyy hyödyntämään ennakoinnissa. Oman esimiehen antama tuki vaikuttaa suuresti ennakoivaan päätöksentekoon. Jos yhteistyö oman esimiehen kanssa toimii huonosti, päätöksentekomahdollisuudet koetaan heikkoina. Hyvä yhteistyö oman esimiehen kanssa puolestaan helpottaa ennakoivaa päätöksentekoa. Myös kollegiaalinen tuki ja moniammatillinen yhteistyö koetaan ensiarvoisen tärkeäksi työssä. Ilman näitä ennakoiva päätöksenteko on hankalaa ja työhyvinvointi heikkenee. Haasteena lähiesimiehet kokevat heikon tuensaannin omalta esimieheltä, arvoristiriidat, henkilökunnan odotukset ja suuren työmäärän. Tutkimustuloksia voidaan hyödyntää yhteistyön kehittämisessä ja ne voivat nostaa lähiesimiehen työn arvostusta. ; This qualitative study focuses on immediate superiors' experiences of applying anticipatory decision making in healthcare. Anticipatory decision making in superior's work is important. Without it, planning the work would be challenging. It can be considered as an important tool for the immediate superior when planning the course of actions. The material consisted of a literature review and ten (n=10) interviews with immediate supervisors. Content analysis was applied to examine the interviews. The research question was as follows: How are immediate superiors in healthcare able to apply anticipatory decision making in their work? The study pointed out the importance of anticipation in the work of one's closest superior. It is part of everyday routines. In general, the possibilities of applying anticipatory decision making are good. A great number of changes emerge with a tight schedule and thus, the immediate superior must be able to react quickly to them. The immediate superior has the best knowledge of the strengths and weaknesses of his/her unit, and this knowledge can be utilized in anticipatory action. Getting support from one's own superior has a great influence on decision making. If the level of cooperation with one's superior is not good, possibilities to make anticipatory decisions are weak. On the contrary, good cooperation makes anticipatory decision making easier. In addition, collegial support and multiprofessional collaboration are deemed important in work. Without these, anticipatory decision making is cumbersome and wellbeing at work declines. On the other hand, weak support from one's own superior, value conflicts, personnel's expectations and extensive work loads are considered as challenges. The results of the thesis may be used to advance collaboration and to increase the status of the work of immediate superiors.
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Participatory approaches and co-research are increasingly employed in the current moment for exploring barriers to equality. Co-research treats research participants as experts in their own lives and as equal research partners. Research conducted with this orientation is based on research problems drafted by the research participants themselves from their aspirations regarding the research process and an active partnership that considers the interests of all parties involved. Participatory methods are used in co-research, particularly for the purpose of deepening the contextualisation of research knowledge about structurally vulnerable or subordinated groups and to challenge the power positions associated with traditional research designs. In co-research, the role of the people involved in the research is more central than in more traditional research. One of the key principles of co-research is that co-investigators (a) can participate in various roles, (b) have the opportunity to participate in different phases of the research according to their own interests and resources, and (c) co-investigators' participation can take many forms, including differences in intensity. The idea is to provide more people with opportunities to contribute to the knowledge production about themselves and their communities from their respective perspectives and interests. Co-research is also seen as an opportunity to improve the relevance and usefulness of scientific knowledge. It aims to genuinely increase interaction and openness and extend science's societal responsibility. In this book, we approach co-research as a means to promote social justice, as an action with a societal impact contributor to social impact and as a means to promote the societal responsibility of science. We discuss and evaluate the ideals of the co-research process concerning the everyday challenges and practices in research. Above all, we offer the knowledge and experience generated by our own projects to support those planning or already implementing co-research projects.
Marxismin mukaan kapitalistisen yhteiskunnan jäsenet jakaantuvat kolmeen luokkaan: porvaristoon, keskiluokkaan ja työväenluokkaan. Jotkut marxismin tukijat jakavat keskiluokan talonpojistoon ja muuhun keskiluokkaan. Talonpojisto on vähenevä luokka. Koska marxismin luokkateorian mukaan poliittiset puolueet vaalivat yhteiskuntaluokien intressejä, tutkin pitääkö tämä väite paikkansa. Ensin selvitin marxilaisen teorian luokista ja niiden intresseistä eli eduista, joiden puolustamiseski luokat järjestäytyvät poliittisiksi puolueiksi. Ne laativat itselleen yhteiskuntapoliittiset ohjelmansa, joita ne pyrkivät politiikansa avulla toteuttamaan. Tutkimusaineistona käytän Suomen eduskunnassa tutkimusvuosina edustettina olelleiden puolueiden tavoite- ja yleisohjelmia, joista selvitän sisällön analyysiä käyttäen niiden sisällön ja julkilausutut tavoitteet. Erityisesti pyrin selvittämään orientoituvatko puolueet ohjelmissaan tiettyjen luokkien etujen puolustajiksi vai missä määrin ne esiintyvät yhteiskunnan yleisten etujen vaalijoina. Tutkimus tapahtuu toisaalta puolueiden eduskuntoimintaa selvittämällä. Tällöin pyrin saamaan selville sen toimivatko puolueet periaate- ja tavoiteohjelmiensa mukaisesti laatiessaan lakialoitteita eduskunnassa. Kolmantena tutkimuskohteena on hallituksen esitysten sisällön eritteleminen intressiorientaation pojalta. Kysymys kuuluu palvelevatko hallituksen esitykset yleistä vai luokkien erityisetuja. Tutkimuksessa selvisi, että puolueet niin ohjelmalausumissaan kuin eduskuntatoiminnassaan vaalivat sekä yleistä etu, josta käytän nimitystä luokkien yhteisetu, että luokkien erityisetuja. Eniten puolueet vaalivat yhteisetua. Erityiseduista puolueet vaalivat kukin tiettyä luokkaetua enemmän kuin toista. Tämän perusteella puolueet jakaantuvat ensijaisesti porvariston, keskiluokan ja työväenluokanetuja vaaliviksi. Hallituksen esityksissä luokkaorientaatio on heikompaa kuin kansanedustajien lakialoitteissa. Tutkimustuloksistani selviää myös se, että vaikka puolueet ovat viime vuosikymmeninä ottaneet vaaliakseen aikaisempaa enemmän kaikkien luokkien intressejä ja niiden yleispuolueominaisuudet ovat lisääntyneet, tietty luokkaorientaatio on säilynyt. ; Classes continually alter and influence party strategies and also the behaviour of voters. The members of classes form economic, professional and political organisations. Every class aims to exert the greatest influence upon the state with the help of its political party. This study researches the class basis of political competition, the effect of class interests on the policies of nine Finnish parties in their political programmes and initiative work in the Parliament. The investigation is based on historical materialism and its class structure theory developed by Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels and other Marxists. The aim of study is to estimate how appropriate the class schema of historical materialism is for analysing the political partisanships and ideological conflicts in advanced industrial society. The statements and aims of political party programmes are put into practice in Parliament. This research analyses how parties represent their aims in their political programmes and what their parliamentarians do in Parliament. Is a party the representative of one class or does it equally promote the interests of many classes? Is it a class party or a generally oriented party? As in historical materialism, the programmes and legislative initiatives have been classified into five groups. The first group contains general class interest, oriented towards the common good. The next four groups comprise bills with a specific class interest orientation: bourgeoisie, the middle class, farmers and workers. The parties investigated are The National Coalition Party /The Conservative Party, The Swedish People`s Party, The Finnish Centre Party, The Finnish Social Democratic Party, The Left Alliance, The Liberals, The True Finns, The Christian Democratic Party and The Greens. The changes in politics and in party relationships over thirty years are investigated by comparing the parliamentary actions of parties from the 1960´s to the 1990´s. The study concerns the legislative initiatives of the years 1965, 1972, 1988 and 1999. The data on the programmes were collected from the two political programmes of nine parties from the years 1950 2003. The programmes of political parties are the public flag of the party as Engels expressed it, although their programmes have lost some of their class orientation. In the programmes of all nine political parties the contents aiming at the common good are the first, most important aim, the percentages being 76 98 %. Differences in the programmes of the political parties can still be found. The political parties emphasise their interests and aims in their own ways. The Conservative Party, The Swedish People´s Party and The Liberals have the next important interest in the bourgeoisie. The Swedish People´s Party, The Finnish Centre Party and The True Finns emphasise the middle class and the farmers. The Finnish Social Democratic Party, The Left Alliance and The Greens take care of working class. The main task of Parliament is to enact legislation. Bills can be submitted to Parliament by the Government or as private members bills. In this process the class interests notably emerge in private members bills of plenary sessions. The main Finnish political parties took into consideration the interests of all classes. All nine parties have made in the largest extent common good legislative initiatives. For all nine parties, the most prevalent type of legislative initiatives was those for the common good (84 -67 %). At the same time they tended to favour special class interests. The least specific class parties were The Christian Democratic Party, The Green Party and The Swedish People´s Party. Among special class interests all the parties oriented more to middle class interests in Parliament than in their declared objectives (18.8 7.0 %). The Liberals, The Conservative Party, The Social Democratic Party, The Left Alliance and The True Finns had the strongest middle class orientation. The Conservative Party were the most bourgeois party (10.2%). The strongest working class interest was found in The Left Alliance, The Social Democratic Party and The Green Party (18.8 13.1 %). The Finnish Centre Party and The Social Democratic party, The Left Alliance and The True Finns were closest to working class interests. Are there class oriented differences in the contents of the legislative initiatives and political programmes of the nine political parties? The contents were classified into eleven groups: administration, civil rights, nature conservation, economics, occupation structure, social policy, public health, education, culture, labour market and international affairs. All nine parties have the same three most important contents of legislative initiatives. These were finance/economics, social policy and administration systems. And all nine parties were more interested in financial and economic aims than their political manifestos suggest. The fourth important content for The Conservative Party, The Swedish People`s Party, The Liberals and The Christian Democratic Party was education. Employment was the fourth aim of The Finnish Centre Party and The True Finns. The Labour Market was also important to The Finnish Social Democratic Party, The Left Alliance and The Greens. Nature conservation was important to The Greens, too. The contents of government bills are more oriented towards the common good than are the private members bills. The conclusion is that the main Finnish political parties took the interests of all classes into consideration. At the same time they reveal preferences for special class interests. This emerges in political manifestos and legislative initiatives and government proposals. The Finnish political parties are not purely general parties devoid of class background. Finance and economics was the basis upon which the people arranged their lives and formed political opinions. The class structure of historical materialism is suitable to demonstrate political partisanship in Finland during the second half of the twentieth century. Social changes affect both the class structures and the political aims of parties and give rise to social and ideological conflicts in advanced industrial societies. The consensus policy is one appearance of civilized class struggle.
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In: Vaasan Korkeakoulun julkaisuja
In: Tutkimuksia, Hallintotiede 94
Finnish local government has been subjected to many reforms in the last few decades. The reforms will continue in the near future as health, social services and regional government are being reformed. Structural reforms and numerous projects have not altered the fact that concrete procedures still change slowly in local governments. This article deals with reforms in local government. It focuses on determining the kind of information and expertise used in the reforms and the expertise required. The research is empirical and focuses on one particular case: preparation of the multi-municipal merger of Oulu region. Research on reforms of local governments, studied from the viewpoints of information and expertise, reveals that traditional public administration structures still have an impact on reform work. Even though steps towards New Public Governance procedures have been taken, reform processes remain strongly based on the information and expertise of the local government organization. Cooperation with different sector actors (the private and third sectors, universities, citizens) takes place from the viewpoint of the local government. The expertise of stakeholders is not at the core of reform processes. Reform processes are based mainly on the existing information and practices. There is much less innovation and less creation and application of new information. The expertise needed in local government reform is diverse. The reform processes have great need for the skills that are typical of network and generative leadership. A successful reform results from the work of a couple of key actors who have the skills to create frameworks for the existence and exploitation of collective expertise.
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In: Bibliography of Finnish sociology 1970-1979
In: Transactions of the Westermarck Society 20
In: Kalevalaseuran vuosikirja
Tradition and literature are not held back by borders. Transnationality is, for example, geographic, symbolic, or linguistic movement and action. Different kinds of cultural transitions and migrant traditions are connected with transnationality. Studying the multilingualism of literary texts or diverse cultural identities, transnationality is a prolific angle. In the 102nd Yearbook of the Kalevala Society Foundation, the topics cover for example migration and return migration, material things crossing borders, and places of music culture. At a more theoretical level we are asking how studying transnationality enriches the disciplines with roots in the national sciences.
In: Jyväskylä studies in computer science, economics and statistics 30