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Prestigious genre, heir to a long tradition, the history painting experiences multiple evolutions throughout the 19th century. Under the Second Empire, for a long time a regime marked by its "black legend", the genre still remained to be defined. Its characteristics fix it deeply in its century, while conferring it an originality : an emanation of the history painting and its transformations in the first half of the century, a precursor of its reformulation under the Third Republic, the history painting under the Second Empire is marked by its singularity. The study of the representations of history painted between 1860 and 1870 is revealing there. Straightaway, the correlation between the creations and the term of "history painting" raises questions. Indeed, while remaining in a classic subject (history), these "paintings on historic subject" get closer alternately to the genre painting and the historic genre, and are contaminated by the realism and the interest in the local colour. If the academic expression of "history painting" still suits for the painting of battle, the latter is also touched by the modernity and transformed into military painting. The approach of the painters of historic subjects presents recurrences. An important preparatory work, on texts, sources, even archaeological discoveries, is put in the service of positivist reconstructions of the events, in order to raise the interest of the public. The choice of the subjects varies according to the intentions: educate the spectator, show an idealised past used as directory of moving scenes, or develop an ideology. Beyond the historicist dimension of education about the national past, these pieces of art show a certain state of the historic thought, the main currents of ideas that influenced the painters. Moreover, the latter convey and spread a conception of history that reaches the contemporary through the press and the illustration, and so they contribute to build the image that will be anchored in the memory. A traditional mean of propaganda ...

Prestigious genre, heir to a long tradition, the history painting experiences multiple evolutions throughout the 19th century. Under the Second Empire, for a long time a regime marked by its "black legend", the genre still remained to be defined. Its characteristics fix it deeply in its century, while conferring it an originality : an emanation of the history painting and its transformations in the first half of the century, a precursor of its reformulation under the Third Republic, the history painting under the Second Empire is marked by its singularity. The study of the representations of history painted between 1860 and 1870 is revealing there. Straightaway, the correlation between the creations and the term of "history painting" raises questions. Indeed, while remaining in a classic subject (history), these "paintings on historic subject" get closer alternately to the genre painting and the historic genre, and are contaminated by the realism and the interest in the local colour. If the academic expression of "history painting" still suits for the painting of battle, the latter is also touched by the modernity and transformed into military painting. The approach of the painters of historic subjects presents recurrences. An important preparatory work, on texts, sources, even archaeological discoveries, is put in the service of positivist reconstructions of the events, in order to raise the interest of the public. The choice of the subjects varies according to the intentions: educate the spectator, show an idealised past used as directory of moving scenes, or develop an ideology. Beyond the historicist dimension of education about the national past, these pieces of art show a certain state of the historic thought, the main currents of ideas that influenced the painters. Moreover, the latter convey and spread a conception of history that reaches the contemporary through the press and the illustration, and so they contribute to build the image that will be anchored in the memory. A traditional mean of propaganda and "manufacturing" of the power, the history painting raises the question of the cultural practices of the government of the Second Empire. The instrumentalisation of the image by the State is real, but is restricted to the paintings of battle and of the imperial splendour. Napoleon III, in his acquisition policy, adapts himself to the creations more than he generates them. On the other hand, he exercises an indirect influence: the staging of his person, the imperial couple and its tastes in history, offer a series of themes exploited by the painters. The painting of historic subject is not instrumentalised within the framework of the envois of the State. The local elites play an essential role in the development of this genre: municipalities and Learned societies, town councillors and scholars encourage creations on national or local history. The representation of the history between 1860 and 1870 reveals the essential place of history, in its erudite and popular aspects, on a national and local scale, inspired by the feeling of attachment to the "small homeland" as well as the nation. ; Genre prestigieux héritier d'une longue tradition, la peinture d'histoire connaît de multiples évolutions tout au long du XIXe siècle. Sous le Second Empire, régime longtemps affecté par sa « légende noire », ce genre restait encore à définir. Il présente des caractéristiques qui l'inscrivent véritablement dans son siècle, tout en lui conférant une originalité : émanation de la peinture d'histoire et de ses mutations dans la première moitié du siècle, précurseur de sa reformulation sous la Troisième République, la peinture d'histoire sous le Second Empire est marquée par la singularité. L'étude des représentations de l'histoire peintes entre 1860 et 1870 en est révélatrice. D'emblée, la corrélation entre les créations et le terme même de « peinture d'histoire » pose question. En effet, tout en se maintenant dans un sujet classique (historique), ces « peintures à sujet historique » se rapprochent tour à tour de la peinture de genre et du genre historique, et sont contaminées par le réalisme et le goût de la couleur locale. Si l'expression académique de « peinture d'histoire » convient encore à la peinture de bataille, cette dernière subit aussi les assauts de la modernité et connaît une mutation sous la forme spécifique de la peinture militaire. La démarche des peintres de sujets historiques présente des récurrences. Un important travail préparatoire, à partir de textes, de sources voire de découvertes archéologiques, est mis au service de reconstitutions positivistes des événements, permettant de susciter l'intérêt du public. Le choix des sujets varie selon les intentions : édifier le spectateur, montrer un passé idéalisé utilisé comme répertoire de sujets émouvants, ou encore exposer une idéologie. Au-delà de la dimension historiciste d'éducation par le passé national, ces œuvres donnent à voir un certain état de la pensée historique, des principaux courants d'idées qui ont influencé les peintres. Plus encore, ces derniers véhiculent et diffusent une conception de l'histoire qui rejaillit sur leur présent par l'intermédiaire de la presse et de l'illustration, et ils contribuent ainsi à construire l'image qui va s'ancrer dans les mémoires. Support traditionnel de propagande et de « fabrication » du pouvoir, la peinture d'histoire conduit à se poser la question des pratiques culturelles du gouvernement du Second Empire. L'instrumentalisation de l'image par l'État est réelle, mais se cantonne aux peintures de bataille et aux figurations du faste impérial. Napoléon III, dans sa politique d'acquisition, s'adapte aux créations plus qu'il ne les génère. En revanche, il exerce une influence indirecte : la mise en scène de sa personne, du couple impérial et de ses goûts historiques, offre une série de thèmes exploités par les peintres. La peinture à sujet historique n'est pas instrumentalisée dans le cadre des envois de l'État. Les élites locales jouent un rôle essentiel dans le développement de ce genre : municipalités et Sociétés savantes, édiles et érudits encouragent les créations sur l'histoire nationale ou locale. La représentation de l'histoire entre 1860 et 1870 donne à voir la place primordiale de l'histoire, dans ses aspects savants et populaires, à échelle nationale et locale, inspirée par le sentiment d'attachement à la « petite patrie » comme à la nation

Ever since Emerson the United-States have been expecting the great national masterpiece that would not only celebrate the unique destiny of this young democracy but would also free American language and literature from the European model. However, it did not seem that it was for the epic poem to accomplish this task given that it appeared not only ill-suited to describe the modern world but also incompatible with the demands of a poetic modernity predicated on lyrical intensity. Hence, the planned obsolescence of this "form" has made it all the more difficult to explain the spectacular rebirth of the "American long poem" in the 19th and 20th centuries. It has appeared all the more problematic since, after having been associated to Walt Whitman's democratic lyricism, the "long poem" was appropriated by T.S. Eliot and Ezra Pound making it the symbol of the authoritarian, elitist and systematic tendencies of "high modernism". It will thus come as no surprise that the critical community has tended to view the "long poem" negatively confirming in a way its illegibility: the "long poem" could only be viewed as a short lyric sequence, an impossible masterpiece or a parody of systematic thought and American exceptionalism. In undertaking this study of Louis Zukofsky's "A", William Carlos William's Paterson and Charles Olson's Maximus Poems I wish to demonstrate that it is possible to read the "long poem" as such without having to resort to generic categories and to the modern/postmodern dichotomy. I also hope to show that, in these three works, poetry is understood as a kind of ongoing activity which modestly attempts to articulate the poem to the world, time and reading. ; Les États-Unis n'ont eu de cesse d'attendre depuis Emerson le grand chef d'œuvre national qui célèbrerait le destin d'exception de la jeune démocratie et affranchirait la littérature et la langue américaines de la tutelle du vieux continent. Cette tâche ne pouvait incomber à l'épopée dont on a pu juger qu'elle était inapte à décrire le monde ...

Ever since Emerson the United-States have been expecting the great national masterpiece that would not only celebrate the unique destiny of this young democracy but would also free American language and literature from the European model. However, it did not seem that it was for the epic poem to accomplish this task given that it appeared not only ill-suited to describe the modern world but also incompatible with the demands of a poetic modernity predicated on lyrical intensity. Hence, the planned obsolescence of this "form" has made it all the more difficult to explain the spectacular rebirth of the "American long poem" in the 19th and 20th centuries. It has appeared all the more problematic since, after having been associated to Walt Whitman's democratic lyricism, the "long poem" was appropriated by T.S. Eliot and Ezra Pound making it the symbol of the authoritarian, elitist and systematic tendencies of "high modernism". It will thus come as no surprise that the critical community has tended to view the "long poem" negatively confirming in a way its illegibility: the "long poem" could only be viewed as a short lyric sequence, an impossible masterpiece or a parody of systematic thought and American exceptionalism. In undertaking this study of Louis Zukofsky's "A", William Carlos William's Paterson and Charles Olson's Maximus Poems I wish to demonstrate that it is possible to read the "long poem" as such without having to resort to generic categories and to the modern/postmodern dichotomy. I also hope to show that, in these three works, poetry is understood as a kind of ongoing activity which modestly attempts to articulate the poem to the world, time and reading. ; Les États-Unis n'ont eu de cesse d'attendre depuis Emerson le grand chef d'œuvre national qui célèbrerait le destin d'exception de la jeune démocratie et affranchirait la littérature et la langue américaines de la tutelle du vieux continent. Cette tâche ne pouvait incomber à l'épopée dont on a pu juger qu'elle était inapte à décrire le monde ...

The thesis analyzes why Indian child labor policies have evolved to programs that aim at the eradication of child labor, however inefficiently. In order to get there, the adopted approach links segmentationnists and regulationnists theories. The first one analyses rural Indian growth as the heart of the social question. The second one studies the synchrony between policies and social question. The dynamic of child labor policies is seen as a step towards the social construction of an institutional architecture for Indian rural growth. But, given their modernism, these policies have proven unsuitable for Indian rural spaces. Hence, child labor elimination policies increase the spatial segmentation. The thesis considers this dynamic as a revelation of the Indian State modernization. Child labor policies are analyzed in the way of the construction of a capitalist economy in rural spaces. By increasing the spatial segmentation, the Indian state modernization deregulates the Indian path. This dynamic is dangerous for the Indian political system. ; La thèse étudie un paradoxe apparent, à savoir l'évolution des politiques indiennes à l'égard du travail des enfants de démarches « régulationnistes » vers des stratégies abolitionnistes alors même que ces démarches sont critiquées pour leur inefficacité. La démarche adoptée articule l'approche segmentationniste à la démarche régulationniste de l'Etat. La première permet d'identifier le développement rural comme le cœur de la question sociale. La seconde étudie la synchronie de la dynamique des politiques publiques aux exigences de la question sociale. La généralisation des politiques abolitionnistes est interprétée comme un mécanisme supposé nécessaire à la construction des structures sociales nécessaires à la dynamique économique des zones rurales. Or, le tropisme moderniste des formations éducatives proposées nourrit la désarticulation des cursus aux besoins socioéconomiques ruraux. Ce faisant, les politiques abolitionnistes ne favorisent pas la dynamique des zones ...

The thesis analyzes why Indian child labor policies have evolved to programs that aim at the eradication of child labor, however inefficiently. In order to get there, the adopted approach links segmentationnists and regulationnists theories. The first one analyses rural Indian growth as the heart of the social question. The second one studies the synchrony between policies and social question. The dynamic of child labor policies is seen as a step towards the social construction of an institutional architecture for Indian rural growth. But, given their modernism, these policies have proven unsuitable for Indian rural spaces. Hence, child labor elimination policies increase the spatial segmentation. The thesis considers this dynamic as a revelation of the Indian State modernization. Child labor policies are analyzed in the way of the construction of a capitalist economy in rural spaces. By increasing the spatial segmentation, the Indian state modernization deregulates the Indian path. This dynamic is dangerous for the Indian political system. ; La thèse étudie un paradoxe apparent, à savoir l'évolution des politiques indiennes à l'égard du travail des enfants de démarches « régulationnistes » vers des stratégies abolitionnistes alors même que ces démarches sont critiquées pour leur inefficacité. La démarche adoptée articule l'approche segmentationniste à la démarche régulationniste de l'Etat. La première permet d'identifier le développement rural comme le cœur de la question sociale. La seconde étudie la synchronie de la dynamique des politiques publiques aux exigences de la question sociale. La généralisation des politiques abolitionnistes est interprétée comme un mécanisme supposé nécessaire à la construction des structures sociales nécessaires à la dynamique économique des zones rurales. Or, le tropisme moderniste des formations éducatives proposées nourrit la désarticulation des cursus aux besoins socioéconomiques ruraux. Ce faisant, les politiques abolitionnistes ne favorisent pas la dynamique des zones rurales ; pis encore, elles participent de l'accroissement tendanciel de la segmentation économique indienne. Partant de ce résultat intermédiaire, la thèse nourrit une analyse en termes de modernisation de l'Etat indien. Les politiques abolitionnistes sont alors entendues comme un corollaire à la construction d'une économie capitaliste. En accroissant la segmentation de l'économie, la modernité indienne dérégule le système socioéconomique. Les contestations politiques grandissantes témoignent de l'instabilité de la trajectoire politique indienne.

At the end of the 1950s, in Madrid, three comedies with a sentimental theme for the general public displayed radical and very American modernity: Las Muchachas de Azul, 1957, by Pedro Lazaga, Las chicas de la Cruz Roja, 1958, by Rafael J. Salvia and Vuelve San Valentín, 1962, by Fernando Palacios. The urban landscape and the female body intertwine in the filmic matrix of Hollywood comedies: fluidity and verticality for the first, fashion and seduction for the second. Madrid became the Hollywood capital of Franco's 1950s. Women overfill the screen and seek fulfilment and happiness. The context is doubly favourable to this inversion of representations. In 1953, the Franco regime abandoned its old alliances and confirmed its new rapprochement with the United States. A cultural landing followed the US military landing: all Hollywood took residence in Madrid for a decade. However, Spain remained a military and clergy-led dictatorship, locked by the Concordat signed with the Vatican and Pact of Madrid with the United States. A meticulous analysis reveals a second filmic writing at work in these three films: Franco's propaganda of 1939. Two cinematographic models hybridize in these films and articulate the dictatorship with the power of dreams. Despite the commercial success of these films, no study had yet been done by specialists in Spanish cinema. ; À la fin des années cinquante, à Madrid, trois comédies à l'eau de rose et grand public affichent une capitale dotée d'une modernité radicale et très américaine : Las Muchachas de Azul, 1957, de Pedro Lazaga, Las chicas de la Cruz Roja, 1958, de Rafael J. Salvia et Vuelve San Valentín, 1962, de Fernando Palacios. Corps urbain et corps féminin s'ajustent à la matrice filmique des comédies hollywoodiennes : fluidité et verticalité pour le premier, mode dernier cri et séduction pour les secondes. Madrid devient à l'écran la capitale hollywoodienne du franquisme des années cinquante. Les femmes saturent l'écran et courent à la recherche du bonheur. Le contexte est doublement ...

At the end of the 1950s, in Madrid, three comedies with a sentimental theme for the general public displayed radical and very American modernity: Las Muchachas de Azul, 1957, by Pedro Lazaga, Las chicas de la Cruz Roja, 1958, by Rafael J. Salvia and Vuelve San Valentín, 1962, by Fernando Palacios. The urban landscape and the female body intertwine in the filmic matrix of Hollywood comedies: fluidity and verticality for the first, fashion and seduction for the second. Madrid became the Hollywood capital of Franco's 1950s. Women overfill the screen and seek fulfilment and happiness. The context is doubly favourable to this inversion of representations. In 1953, the Franco regime abandoned its old alliances and confirmed its new rapprochement with the United States. A cultural landing followed the US military landing: all Hollywood took residence in Madrid for a decade. However, Spain remained a military and clergy-led dictatorship, locked by the Concordat signed with the Vatican and Pact of Madrid with the United States. A meticulous analysis reveals a second filmic writing at work in these three films: Franco's propaganda of 1939. Two cinematographic models hybridize in these films and articulate the dictatorship with the power of dreams. Despite the commercial success of these films, no study had yet been done by specialists in Spanish cinema. ; À la fin des années cinquante, à Madrid, trois comédies à l'eau de rose et grand public affichent une capitale dotée d'une modernité radicale et très américaine : Las Muchachas de Azul, 1957, de Pedro Lazaga, Las chicas de la Cruz Roja, 1958, de Rafael J. Salvia et Vuelve San Valentín, 1962, de Fernando Palacios. Corps urbain et corps féminin s'ajustent à la matrice filmique des comédies hollywoodiennes : fluidité et verticalité pour le premier, mode dernier cri et séduction pour les secondes. Madrid devient à l'écran la capitale hollywoodienne du franquisme des années cinquante. Les femmes saturent l'écran et courent à la recherche du bonheur. Le contexte est doublement favorable à cette inversion des représentations. En 1953, le régime franquiste abandonne ses anciennes alliances et confirme son nouveau rapprochement avec les États-Unis. Le débarquement militaire américain s'accompagne alors d'un débarquement culturel : tout Hollywood prend ses quartiers à Madrid pour une décennie. Pour autant, l'Espagne demeure une dictature militaire et religieuse, verrouillée par le Concordat signé avec le Saint-Siège et par les Pactes de Madrid conclus avec les États-Unis. Une analyse minutieuse révèle alors la présence d'une seconde écriture filmique à l'œuvre dans ces trois films : la propagande franquiste de 1939. Deux modèles cinématographiques s'hybrident ainsi dans ces films et articulent la dictature à la puissance du rêve. En dépit du succès commercial rencontré par ces films, aucune étude n'avait été entreprise encore par les spécialistes du cinéma espagnol.

The author studies the conflicts fostered by Rural Catholic Action within the peasant communities of Guatemala and analyzes their consequences and the relations between religion and politics in this context. He also analyzes the elements of continuity and rupture in the social structure traditionally organized around the binomial "brotherhood-regeduria".
In a second part, the author studies the structure of the movement at the national, regional and local levels, taking into account its strategies of conversion. On the one hand these strategies targeted the storekeepers, a social group hitherto marginal in the dominant agrarian social structure but for whose members the involvement in the movement was a way of transforming social relations and of occupying new positions of legitimacy and power. On the other hand, Catholic Action used the kin structures: the entire family would be tar geted for conversion, thereby the development of the organization would be strengthened through the system of alliance, since anyone who married a member of the movement had to join as well.
The author claims that Catholic Action, as an organic and highly organized movement, has contributed to the disruption of the indegenous rural commu nities by fostering within them new forms of power, of social relations and conflict. According to him, this process of disruption and encounter with modernity explains, to a large extent, the tremendous movement of conversion to the Protestant sects and churches coming from North-America in Guatemala in the recent decades. This social dislocation has created a breaking up of the social groups and of the traditional forms of associations, generating "free protons" which, in turn, are looking for new articulations, new social connections, new points of identification.

This thesis studies new forms of realism in Spanish prose in the 2000s, from a corpus of four novels. It contemplates what makes the contemporary reality aesthetic, what its epistemology is, and what links it bears to other forms of knowledge. What roles do realist narrations play in the configuration of social imaginaries, when the heritage of the democratic transition and the narration of Spanish modernisation are called into question? We first examine the conditions of historical, socio-economic and cultural possibilities of a renewal of realism, which is mapped throughout the literary field of the last twenty years. The central hypothesis is that realism springs back up from the fact that debates around historical memory in the 2000s, and since 2008, the economic, social and political crisis prompt the revision of the transition myth and the project of modernity which had been structuring Spain's social imaginaries since the 1960s. Three parts offer different studies of realist poetics, diachronically and synchronically, to highlight the evolution of the modes of realist referentiality between the start of the 2000s and the beginning of the 2010s, the crisis of 2008 and its beginning as an inflexion point. The first part tackles two novels (Antonio Muñoz Molina, Sefarad, 2001 and Ignacio Martínez de Pisón, Enterrar a los muertos, 2005), which discuss the social fabrication of documents and historiography to reinterpret the 1936 war, the dictatorship and the transition. The second and third parts (Rafael Chirbes, Crematorio, 2007, and Isaac Rosa, La mano invisible, 2011) analyse the elaboration of a collective narrative of developmental Spain, at the dawn of the crisis, through novels which interact with the economic theory of liberalism and historic sociology. At the crossroads of literary studies, social discourse, history and the contemporary sociology of Spain, this thesis argues that the appropriation of realism in the 2000s questions a national identity that is democratic, modern, and takes part in the ...

This thesis studies new forms of realism in Spanish prose in the 2000s, from a corpus of four novels. It contemplates what makes the contemporary reality aesthetic, what its epistemology is, and what links it bears to other forms of knowledge. What roles do realist narrations play in the configuration of social imaginaries, when the heritage of the democratic transition and the narration of Spanish modernisation are called into question? We first examine the conditions of historical, socio-economic and cultural possibilities of a renewal of realism, which is mapped throughout the literary field of the last twenty years. The central hypothesis is that realism springs back up from the fact that debates around historical memory in the 2000s, and since 2008, the economic, social and political crisis prompt the revision of the transition myth and the project of modernity which had been structuring Spain's social imaginaries since the 1960s. Three parts offer different studies of realist poetics, diachronically and synchronically, to highlight the evolution of the modes of realist referentiality between the start of the 2000s and the beginning of the 2010s, the crisis of 2008 and its beginning as an inflexion point. The first part tackles two novels (Antonio Muñoz Molina, Sefarad, 2001 and Ignacio Martínez de Pisón, Enterrar a los muertos, 2005), which discuss the social fabrication of documents and historiography to reinterpret the 1936 war, the dictatorship and the transition. The second and third parts (Rafael Chirbes, Crematorio, 2007, and Isaac Rosa, La mano invisible, 2011) analyse the elaboration of a collective narrative of developmental Spain, at the dawn of the crisis, through novels which interact with the economic theory of liberalism and historic sociology. At the crossroads of literary studies, social discourse, history and the contemporary sociology of Spain, this thesis argues that the appropriation of realism in the 2000s questions a national identity that is democratic, modern, and takes part in the ...

La question de la «crise» a occupé Reinhart Koselleck sa vie durant. A partir de sa thèse de doctorat, Kritik und Krise (1954), elle a très tôt déterminé sa perception du monde moderne – des guerres civiles confessionnelles du XVIe siècle jusqu'au long cycle révolutionnaire de la fin du XVIIIe siècle. Dans sa première partie, l'article propose une analyse critique de Kritik und Krise. Sa conclusion intermédiaire est double. D'une part, il montre l'existence d'une triple surcharge philosophique de la démonstration koselleckienne (surchage schmittienne, cochinienne et löwithienne). D'autre part, il relève les principaux forçages interprétatifs et empiriques sur lesquels repose la thèse générale du livre. Dans sa seconde partie, l'article examine la manière dont cette première analyse de la «crise» par Koselleck évolue par la suite dans son œuvre à travers les thématiques de la «Sattelzeit», de la «temporalisation» (Verzeitlichung) et de l'«accélération» (Beschleunigung). L'article défend au final une double thèse : d'une part, l'idée que le premier Koselleck de Kritik und Krise fait moins œuvre d'historien que de critique généalogique de la modernité totalitaire ; d'autre part, l'idée que la sur-accentuation ultérieure de "l'«accélération» (en lieu et place de la «critique» crisogène moderne) a permis à Koselleck d'anticiper certains questionnements de l'anthropocène alors même que ses interrogations initiales relevaient d'une ontologie politique néo-hobbésienne peu à même de penser le tournant démocratique moderne. ; The question of the «crisis» occupied Reinhart Koselleck throughout his life. From his doctoral thesis 'Kritik und Krise' (1954) onwards, this very question determined his perception of the modern world – from the religious civil wars of the 16th century to the long revolutionary cycle of the late 18th century. In the first part, the article delivers a critical analyse of 'Kritik und Krise'. His intermediate conclusion is twofold. On the one hand, it shows the existence of a triple philosophical ...

Der Band enthält die Abstracts ausschließlich in englischer Sprache. ; France has been witnessing a proliferation of autobiographical literatures, also known as personal or intimate literatures, in recent decades. These stories take different forms and tell the life or life periods of an individual. These are life stories that claim a subjective 'I'. In Iran, self-writing has begun, in recent years, to interest modern writers and critics who try, in more or less disguised forms, to tell in writing the story of their lives in a context where literature is always in direct connection with politics. In this context, the purpose of this article is to question the first self-writings that appeared in Iran. In what context has this self-literature emerged? How is the first self-writing of Iranian writers expressed? What is its real place? The first part of this article will be devoted to the context of the emergence of autobiography, and the relationship between modern society and self-writing from the eighteenth century in France, which will serve as a model to explain, in a second time, the framework of appearance of autobiography in Iran. The second part will analyze textual elements, the narration of A stone on a tomb, the first autobiography in Iran. ; Том не содержит аннотаций на английском языке.

Contemporary discussions of secularism in India have been constrained by the tradition-modern (western) dichotomy. For some, secularism is originally a Christian doctrine adapted to modern western conditions, & means the strict separation of church & state. It is also predominantly a single-value doctrine, motivated either by liberty (as in the United states) or equality of citizenship (as in France) more suited to single-religion societies than to the socio-cultural context of India where it is more appropriate to rely on resources of multiple & indigenous religious traditions for the sake of quite different values of peace & toleration. Others argue that India has the civilizational resource from which to retrieve its own conception of secularism captured best by the phrase 'sarva dharma samb-hava' (equal respect for all religions). I argue instead that India has worked out a distinctive conception of the secular that was at once Indian & modern. This remains a practical conception rather than a coherent doctrine or theory, & can thus be called Indian secularism only by extension. This conception builds on traditional resources as well as on the legacy of the British colonial state but innovatively transforms them. Many distinctive features characterize it. First, it deals simultaneously with inter-religious & intra-religious domination. Second, it has an explicit multi-value character. Third, it rejects strict separation. Separation does not mean exclusion or strict neutrality but what I call principled distance. Fourth, it implies neither respectful indifference nor active hostility but respectful transformation of religion. In short, secularism inherits the tradition of religious reform that began in India both prior to the advent of colonial modernity & because of a critical engagement with it. Finally, Indian secularism is an ethically-sensitive practical settlement & less a scientific, rationalist doctrine worked out by ideologues & implemented by political agents. Adapted from the source document.