The emergence and downfall of fascism and the Nazi regime in the mid-twentieth century mark the definitive decline of Europe's geopolitical hegemony. The end of the Second World War is the beginning of both decolonization processes and the founding of the United Nations as well as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In this context, we find a variety of philosophical interpretations on religious traditions, secular conceptualizations of reason and political theories. In and outside of Europe, philosophical and spiritual movements develop different political orientations, whereas fruitful dialogues between religious and secular philosophical positions emerge. In this volume, such positions and interactions are explored in an exemplary way.
Abstract Among the many impacts of Russia's war on Ukraine, the most consequential may be in pushing the world in the direction of Three Worlds—the global West, the global East and the global South. One is led by the United States and Europe, the second by China and Russia, and the third by an amorphous grouping of non-western developing nations. These Three Worlds are not blocs or coherent negotiating groups, but loose, constructed and evolving global factions. This article makes four arguments. First, the Three Worlds system has the makings of a fairly durable pattern of global order, shaping struggles over rules and institutions. Second, the Three Worlds system will encourage a 'creative' politics of global order-building. The global West and global East will have incentives to compete for the support and cooperation of the global South. Third, there are deep principles of world order that provide a foundation for the Three Worlds competition. Finally, if the global West is to remain at the center of world order in the decades ahead, it will need to accommodate both the global East and the global South, and adapt itself to a more pluralistic world. But in the competition with the global East for the support of the global South, it has the advantage. The global South's critique of the global West is not that it offers the wrong pathway to modernity, but that it has not lived up to its principles or shared sufficiently the material fruits of liberal modernity.
"This comparative attempt, intended for postgraduates and scholars of Eastern-Central Europe, investigates the political, economic, and cultural landscape of Habsburg Galicia and the Romanian Kingdom in the second half of the 19th century. Often, in historiography and in public sphere alike, the two cases under study have been separately regarded as contexts that provided atypical answers to modernity, and parts of a region that has been regarded as atypical in itself. Recently, efforts have been made to integrate each of the cases in a post-imperial paradigm, identifying the complex interactions between their socio-political modernisation and historical memory. This book continues this trend by investigating for the first time the two cases together, as parts of a space of alterity, as labs of shifting ideologies and labels. The public figures and the institutions depicted in the book are physically located in Central and in Eastern Europe, but by sometimes competing experiences they are illustrative for several identities and historical realms, local, regional, and continental. Secondly, the current work addresses dilemmas related to nationalism and nation-building, for the sake of separating those discourses which reflected on civic nationalism from those which directed the public mind to the values of ethnic nationalism"--
Drawing upon a wide variety of authors, approaches, and ideological contexts, this book offers a comprehensive and detailed critique of the distinct and polemical senses in which the concept of ressentiment (and its cognate 'resentment') is used today. It also proposes a new mode of addressing ressentiment in which critique and polemics no longer set the tone: care.
Contemporary tendencies in political culture such as neoliberalism, nationalism, populism, identity politics, and large-scale conspiracy theories have led to the return of the concept of ressentiment in armchair political analysis. This book argues that, due to the tension between its enormous descriptive power and its mutually contradicting ideological performances, it is necessary to 'redramatize' the concept of ressentiment. By what right do we possess and use the concept of ressentiment, and what makes the phenomenon worth knowing? Inspired by Marxist political epistemology, affect theory, postcolonialism, and feminism, the book maps, delimits, and assesses four irreducible ways in which ressentiment can be articulated: the ways of the priest, the physician, the witness, and the diplomat. The first perspective is typically embodied by conservative (Scheler, Girard) and liberal (Smith, Rawls) political theory; the second, by Nietzsche, Deleuze and Foucault; whereas the standpoint of the witness is found in the writings of Améry, Fanon and Adorno; and the diplomat's is the author's own, albeit inspired by philosophers such as Ahmed, Stiegler, Stengers, and Sloterdijk. In producing a dialectical sequence between all four typical modes of enunciation, the book demonstrates how the first three reinterpretations of ressentiment are already implied in the theater set up in Nietzsche's late polemical books, while the fourth proposes a line of flight out of it.
The Dialectic of Ressentiment will be of interest to scholars and advanced students working in critical theory, social and political philosophy, cultural studies, sociology, history, literature, political science, anthropology, and Nietzsche scholarship. It will also appeal to anyone interested in the politics of anger, discourse ethics, trauma studies, and memory politics.
The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.
"Exploring the history of the gas mask in Germany from 1915 to the eve of World War II, Peter Thompson traces how chemical weapons and protective technologies such as the gas mask produced new relationships to danger, risk, management, and mastery in the modern age of mass destruction. Recounting the apocalyptic visions of chemical death that circulated in interwar Germany, he argues that while everyday encounters with the gas mask tended to exacerbate fears, the mask also came to symbolize debates about the development of military and chemical technologies in the Weimar Republic and the Third Reich. He underscores how the gas mask was tied into the creation of an exclusionary national community under the Nazis and the altered perception of environmental danger in the second half of the twentieth century. As this innovative new history shows, chemical warfare and protection technologies came to represent poignant visions of the German future"--
How can we portray the history of Renaissance knowledge production through the eyes of the students? Their university notebooks contained a variety of works, fragments of them, sentences, or simple words. To date, studies on these materials have only concentrated on a few individual works within the collections, neglecting the strategy by which texts and textual fragments were selected and the logic through which the notebooks were organized. The eight chapters that make up this volume explore students' note-taking practices behind the creation of their notebooks from three different angles. The first considers annotation activities in relation to their study area to answer the question of how university disciplines were able to influence both the content and structure of their notebooks. The volume's second area of research focuses on the student's curiosity and choices by considering them expressions of a self-learning practice not necessarily linked to a discipline of study or instructions from teaching. The last part of the volume moves away from the student's desk to consider instructions on note-taking methods that students could receive from manuals of various kinds. ; How can we portray the history of Renaissance knowledge production through the eyes of the students? Their university notebooks contained a variety of works, fragments of them, sentences, or simple words. To date, studies on these materials have only concentrated on a few individual works within the collections, neglecting the strategy by which texts and textual fragments were selected and the logic through which the notebooks were organized. The eight chapters that make up this volume explore students' note-taking practices behind the creation of their notebooks from three different angles. The first considers annotation activities in relation to their study area to answer the question of how university disciplines were able to influence both the content and structure of their notebooks. The volume's second area of research focuses on the student's curiosity and choices by considering them expressions of a self-learning practice not necessarily linked to a discipline of study or instructions from teaching. The last part of the volume moves away from the student's desk to consider instructions on note-taking methods that students could receive from manuals of various kinds.
This two-part article attempts to decipher four different critical strategiesfor decentering Eurocentrist narratives that promoted "the West"simultaneously as an agent, as a goal and as a yardstick for evaluatingmodernization processes across the globe: in the first part, it will examineJack Goody's interrogation of the alleged European preeminence andexceptionalism and its imposition of value-laden temporal categorieson the non-Western world, as well as Eric Wolff 's reconstruction ofthe so-called invention of "Eastern Europe" by the Western mindduring the Enlightenment; in the second part, it will take on DipeshChakrabarty's notion of "provincializing" Western epistemology andJohannes Fabian's focus on the "denial of coevalness" for non-Westerntemporalities. The article will focus on the analysis these four authorsprovided for the emergence of specific temporal and geographicalsystems that backed the epistemic hegemony of the "West" andreinforced, therefore, its already established political domination. It willalso examine the practice of translating spacial distance in historicaltime and its reverse, both at the core of Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment understanding and construction of the cultural andhistorical "other".
Although the Kurds have attracted widespread international attention, Iranian Kurdistan has been largely overlooked. This book examines the consequences of modernity and modernisation for Iran s Kurdish society in the 20th century. Marouf Cabi argues that while state-led modernisation integrated the Kurds in modern Iran, the homogenisation of identity and culture also resulted in their vigorous pursuit of their political and cultural rights.Focusing on the dual process of state-led modernisation and homogenisation of identity and culture, Cabi examines the consequences of modernity and modernisation for the socioeconomic, cultural, and political structures as well as for gender relations. It is the consequences of this dynamic dual process that explains the modern structures of Iran s Kurdish society, on the one hand, and its intimate relationship with Iran as a historical, geographical, and political entity, on the other. Using Persian, Kurdish and English sources, the book explores the transformation of Kurdish society between the Second World War and the 1979 Iranian Revolution, with a special focus on the era of the 'White Revolution' during the 1960s and 1970s
"After the Second World War, Yugoslavia's small regional cities represented a challenge for the new socialist state. These cities' older buildings, local historic sites, and low-quality housing clashed with socialism's promises and ideals. How would the state transform these cities' everyday neighborhoods? In the Slovene republic's capital city of Ljubljana, the Trnovo neighborhood embodied this challenge through its modest housing, small medieval section, vast gardens, acclaimed interwar architecture, and iconic local reputation. Imagining Slovene Socialist Modernity explores how urban planners, architects, historic preservationists, neighborhood residents, and even folklorists transformed this beloved neighborhood into a Slovene socialist city district. Aplenc demonstrates that this urban redesign centered on republic-level interpretations of a Yugoslav socialist built environment, versus a re-envisioned Slovene national past or design style. This interdisciplinary study sheds light on how Yugoslav state socialism operated at the republic level, within a decentralized system, and on the diverse forces behind success or failure. With its focus on vernacular architecture, small-scale historic sites, single-family homes, and illegal housing, this book expands our understanding of the everyday built environment in socialist cities"--
Introduction -- Part I Inventory of Sociological Theory -- State of research -- Transitional Situation -- Outlook: Difference in Membership Conditions -- Part II Retrospective view: Western modernizations -- Question -- First modernity and modernization -- Second modernity and modernization -- Third modernity and modernization -- Redeployment of solidarity integration -- Outlook: The end of Western modernization -- Part III Global Studies -- Motive force and research program -- Renewal of the concept of society -- Dimensions of globalization -- Outlook: Permanent irritation -- Part IV Third research programme: Multiple modernities, membership and globalization -- Reference problem -- Culture: correction of the fundamentals -- Working hypothesis -- Integration theory -- Research foci of membership orders -- Outlook: Changed basic situation, self-irritation, and learning -- Part V Membership order of Chinese society without solidarity integration -- China's modernization -- Stabilization in difference -- Modernization without harmony: main conflicts -- Outlook: further modernization -- Part VI Sociology of the next society: Redeployment of sociological theory -- Postmodernism, differentiation of institutions -- Functional systems -- An observation: flood of scandals -- Populism -- Transition to the next society -- Globalization research and socio-structural semantics -- Self-description of the next society -- Outlook: Inhomogeneous social structure. .
The present article focuses on understanding the phenomenon of Jadidism in the context of the global Islamic renewal movement. It consists of an introduction, two paragraphs and a conclusion. In the introduction, the author indicates the relevance and extent of discussion of the topic. It emphasizes the admissibility of various approaches to the thematization of this phenomenon. The first paragraph deals with some modern concepts in the historiography of the Jadid issue. It also criticizes an attempt to shut down this issue with a revisionist deconstruction of the opposition between Jadidism and Kadimism as presented in the works of D. DeWeese and some of his Russian supporters. The author argues for the absence of serious grounds for rejecting this opposition, for the rhetorical nature of its criticism and for the irrelevance of the revisionists' arguments. In the second paragraph, the author shifts the focus from criticism of opponents to a "positive" presentation of some of the fundamental theses that must be taken into account when studying the Jadid movement. Based on the conceptual distinction between religiosity and religion, the author describes Jadidism as a new type of religiosity that has emerged as a result of responding to the challenges of modernity. At the same time, the term "modernity" itself is interpreted in the light of the theory of multiple versions of modernity. This helps to avoid an overly facile evaluation of Islamic modernism as an inherently Eurocentric phenomenon. Furthermore, the second paragraph points out that Islamic modernism, including Jadidism, is deeply rooted in the Islamic tradition of tajdid. The author concludes with his interpretation of the essence of the Jadid project.
In this article, the interrelatedness of contemporary populism and fear is analysed. It is argued that contemporary populism is burdened with the uncertainties and contingencies of late modernity. Therefore, it is not capable of merely "instrumentalizing" fear (i.e., relying on fear as an instrument of ideological goals). Instead, populism is forced to "juggle" with fear in a continuously changing, unpredictable constellation. In the first section, the ideal type of instrumentalizing fear is introduced. In the second section, this ideal type is developed into the model of juggling with fear based on theories of late modernity: the impact of the narrowing of political agency, the reconfiguration of the public sphere, and the interiorization of uncertainty are analysed. In the third section, this ideal type is further explored through a case study of illiberal Hungary: the empirical patterns of juggling with quotidian and virtual fears reveal the micro-mechanisms and the broader consequences.
The aim of the article is to present, based on the results of the latest research, the basic phenomena in the field of economic and social modernization taking place in Poland in the interwar period. An introduction to the analysis is the opening balance, which discusses the conditions present in Poland in 1918. The following sections present the processes of economic and social modernization taking place in it. Within the framework of economic modernization, the basic limitations were the negative impact of the legacy of the partitions, war damage and the Great Depression. The currency reform of Władysław Grabski, the period of prosperity in the second half of the 1920s, and the modernization policy of Eugeniusz Kwiatkowski in the second half of the 1930s were favorable phenomena. In the case of social modernization, the state played an important role, introducing important institutional solutions from the very beginning, including equality of citizens before the law, compulsory schooling, women's suffrage. A special role was played by the social policy of the state, thanks to which hundreds of thousands of citizens entered modernity, who could take advantage of social security, modern labor legislation, employment policy, and health care. At the same time, there were visible processes of disseminating the achievements of modernity, including mass and popular culture. The conclusions of the analysis indicate that, despite many examples, modernization in interwar Poland had an island character. The processes related to it have only just begun, and the implementation of many projects undertaken in the second half of the 1930s, such as the construction of the Central Industrial District or the public health service, was interrupted by the outbreak of World War II.
1. Introduction -- 2. Trans-Aesthetics and the Struggle for Recognition Politics Seen from a Decolonial Perspective -- 3. Thinking with and from Skins: Reflections on Methodology and Method in Ethnographic Research from the Encounter and Collaboration with Trans Women in Lima, Peru -- 4. Tracing the History of the Trans Movement in Lima, Peru -- 5. First and Second Skin: The Body as a Political-Aesthetic Territory -- 6. Third and Fourth Skin: Sexuality, Identity, and Power Relations -- 7. The Fifth Skin: Capitalism, Modernity/Coloniality and Patriarchy -- 8. Conclusions.