The featured observations represent selected viewpoints of World War I, highlighting background events that led to the war. They present the situation in Austro-Hungary for whom the war was a tool to solve its political problems and further demonstrate how the war actually made the aforementioned country's relations with national groups more complicated. The observations also focus on the image of the war, distorted by propaganda, and the situation on both the front line and in the hinterland. Last but not least they deal with the war from the Czech viewpoint, unique for many reasons including the fact that at this time the Czechs were escalating their attempts at creating their own state.
The paper focuses on reflection of the First World War in presidential speeches in years 1990–2013. This period delimits mandates of former Czech presidents Václav Havel and Václav Klaus. Ways in which both presidents referred to the historical event and in which they utilized its interpretation for legitimization of their political goals are compared. As its theoretical framework, the study utilizes an approach that has been developed by Jeffrey Alexander and Philip Smith as part of their program in cultural sociology. The study aims to identify the most significant cultural codes and narrative strategies of the analyzed speeches and to relate them to (supra)nationalistic metanarratives that they help to maintain. The study also points to the fact that presidential speeches represent an important case of utilization of past for the purposes of legitimization of state policy while also being a practice with which states are established.
Approximately 100 thousand men of Czech origin died during the wartime operations in the years 1914 to 1918. The majority were aged between 23 and 35. The reproductive losses have been estimated at another 610 thousand (550 thousand children that were never born due to the absence of a man in the household and another 60 thousand civilian dead). In 1914 the population in the Czech territories numbered 10 million 283 thousand, in 1919 this number decreased to 9 million 921 thousand. The ratio of men to women decreased (in 1920 there were 92.5 men to every 100 women). This imbalance in age frequency, a result of the low birth rate, had a long term effect firstly on the number of marriages, then on the birth rate and eventually on the mortality rate. These long term effects were evidently still present at the close of the 20th Century.
The outbreak of the First World War in 1914 was accompanied by mass enthusiasm. This wave of enthusiasm (Kriegsbegeisterung) was particularly high in Austro-Hungary. In the regions where the German population was significantly large crowds thronged the streets singing patriotic songs such as "Wacht am Rhein", "Heil Dir im Siegeskranz", "The Radecky Marsch", "Prince Eugene Marsch". They also arranged tributes in front of monuments, state buildings and military headquarters. Despite the fact that the operation to mobilise the Czech military went smoothly the German public noticed the lack of enthusiasm amidst the Czech soldiers and consequently the Czechs were seen as indifferent and even hostile. There was an attempt to promote demonstrations in Prague as an expression of Czech-German reconciliation. However as these were organised by the German minority in Prague the Czechs continued in their lack of fervour and viewed the war as a German one rather than Czech.
The article tries to evaluate the Europeanization research agenda from the point of view of a politics-sphere A basic precondition for understanding the character of the political systems in East-European countries after the Second World War is to define the key concepts, especially different types of non-democratic regimes. In other words, we must know what "totalitarianism", and "authoritarianism" means, and how we should approach studying these species. According to empirical and analytical methods, we consider them both as ways of governing, as types of political systems and not something else (e.g. ideology, a way of thinking, etc.). Eastern Europe after 1944, with some exceptions, was not totalitarian and is better described as quasi-totalitarian or authoritarian. However by the term "quasi-totalitarianism" we do not mean a subtype of "post-totalitarianism" (as Juan J. Linz does), but as a separate category of non-democratic regime. Of course it is necessary to take into account the differences existing among particular countries as well as differences "inside" these countries, meaning their unique historical development. This is evident in the case study portion of this article which describes the political system of Poland 1944-1989. Adapted from the source document.
According to the 1867 constitution the Habsburg Monarchy's armed forces consisted of the common army, the navy, the Austrian Landwehr and the Landsturm. The armed forces had authority over three ministries and were themselves subject to the rule of three parliamentary institutions. From the beginning the growth of the armed forces had not kept pace with that of the population as a whole. There was a low volume of conscripts and poor training of reservists. This resulted in a relatively small army both in peace time and during war and meant that by the spring of 1918 Austria-Hungary had practically exhausted its available human resources. This was exacerbated by the high number of losses, both through death and capture. On the battlefield the number of deaths is thought to have been between 905,000 and 1,200,000 with 1.8 million injured. At the same time the number of deaths and illness in the hinterland increased while the rate of fertility dropped. In order to resolve this the government applied a number of measures: the upper age limit of conscription increased, the necessary standards for recruitment were lowered, training period was shortened, more use of weapons, factory workers were replaced with women, prisoners of war and workers from the occupied territories. However at this time the importance of the "war economy" was also growing which resulted in an increase in firms requesting the release of their employees from military service. In 1918 the Habsburg Monarchy had not only exhausted its human resources but was also on the brink of economic collapse.
Since the beginning of the second Chechen war, Russia has experienced several shifts in domestic policy. From the very start of his presidency, Vladimir Putin pursued a policy of consolidating power while facing both the external and internal enemy represented by Chechen rebels. As a side effect, this has brought about an outburst of xenophobia and racism that has turned against all Caucasians. The antiterrorist campaign has had broad consequences, even outside the security field. The campaign, which was based on economic arguments, began with attacks on the media tycoons Vladimir Gusinskii and Boris Beresovskii, and was later widened to other selected oligarchs. Another set of changes brought about reforms to almost every aspect of state organization, including everything from the parliamentary electoral system to the local representative elections. Although it had been planned for a long time, the core of the reforms was enacted after the tragedy in Beslan in September 2004.
Since the time of its foundation (1990) the Slovak National Party (SNS) has been able to pool approximately 5-10 % of votes. During most of its 15 years existence there was a permanent crisis in the party and one could observe numerous clashes between particular groups in the Slovakian party system. As a result of this in-party fragmentation the SNS disintegrated in 2001. Following the division of supporter's votes between two successor parties, the SNS lost its parliament representation. This was the main impulse for the antagonized leaders to change their relations and start a process of integration which was successfully finished on March 3rd 2005 – the 15th anniversary of the party. From the beginning of 2005, the SNS has been enjoying growing popularity (7%) and has a good chance to succeed in the next parliamentary elections in autumn 2006.
The article attempts to examine the main topics in the sociological study of housing from the end of the Second World War to the 1980s & distinguishes the following five: (1) housing systems & housing policy, (2) the relationship between social stratification & housing differentiation, (3) the relationship between the family & housing, (4) the relationship between housing & neighbourhoods, & (5) housing & architecture as components of culture. During this period the sociological study of housing was strongly influenced by the changes occurring in the housing situation. The post-war housing shortage in Europe & the state's heavy involvement in tackling this problem, along with the rapid rise in the importance of social housing, led to an emphasis on the study of housing systems, housing policy, the methodology of quantitatively measuring housing needs, & the role of the state in the housing sphere, with a heavy stress on the economic dimension of housing issues. A shift to qualitative research on housing, i.e. studying the relationship between the family & housing & the housing needs of the elderly & new families, occurred as the housing shortage declined. Culturally oriented housing research followed, as a response to the search for new identities & for genius loci. As housing has become commodified in Europe & social housing has almost disappeared over the past twenty-five years, there has been revival of the study of the social consequences of narrowly defined economic concepts of housing policy.