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The Second World War brought significant political changes to European monarchies. Immediately after the war, six kingdoms ceased to exist and became republics. This concerned Eastern European countries in the Soviet sphere of influence, as well as Italy, where Victor Emmanuel III had to pay for years of cooperation with the fascist regime. Before the outbreak of the war, at least three European monarchies had considerable power, holding the most important prerogatives in their hands: this was the case in Romania, Bulgaria and Albania. Such a political model failed to survive the war, as after 1945 the kings and princes of the Old Continent only "reigned, but did not rule" (only Louis II, Prince of Monaco kept a stronger position until the end of the 1950s). It used to happen during the war that in countries with an established parliamentary system the monarch played a greater role than during the years of peace (the most prominent example being Wilhelmina, the Queen of the Netherlands). The article also presents other issues important to the royal authority – the functioning of monarchs in exile, the threat to their lives, the exercise of sovereignty (usually only in a ceremonial capacity) over the armed forces, and abdications forced by the circumstances. ; Druga wojna światowa przyniosła europejskim monarchiom poważne zmiany ustrojowe. Bezpośrednio po wojnie sześć królestw przestało istnieć, stały się republikami. Dotyczyło to państw Europy Wschodniej, które znalazły się w radzieckiej strefie wpływów, a także Włoch, gdzie Wiktorowi Emanuelowi III przyszło zapłacić za lata współpracy z faszystami. Przed wybuchem wojny przynajmniej w trzech europejskich monarchiach władca posiadał istotną władzę, skupiając w swych rękach najważniejsze uprawnienia – tak było w Rumunii, Bułgarii i Albanii. Taki model ustrojowy nie przetrwał wojny, po 1945 r. królowie i książęta Starego Kontynentu jedynie "panowali, ale nie rządzili" (silniejszą pozycję do końca lat 50. zachował tylko panujący w Monako Ludwik II). W okresie wojny zdarzało się, że w państwach o ugruntowanym już systemie parlamentarnym władca odgrywał rolę większą niż w latach pokoju (najlepszym przykładem może być holenderska Wilhelmina). W artykule przedstawiono też inne zagadnienia ważne dla władzy królewskiej: funkcjonowanie monarchów na uchodźstwie, zagrożenie ich życia, wykonywanie – zazwyczaj jedynie reprezentacyjne – zwierzchnictwa nad siłami zbrojnymi, a także wymuszone okolicznościami abdykacje.

The influence of the US on the forms and course of the integration processes in Western Europe was very strong, especially in the first post-war years. It was the influence of an external force which, being free of the internal contradictions stemming from Western Europe's interests, had at its disposal real capabilities to impose integration concepts beneficial to itself. Such integration was in line with both the economic and military interests of the United States during this period. The main reasons prompting Western European countries in the first post-war years to accept the solutions suggested by the United States were: the said countries' difficult economic situation, fear of the communist parties' coming to power, and the reluctant (hostile) attitude towards the USSR and the communist bloc. The combination of these causes served to temporarily neutralize the centrifugal tendencies and muted the divergence of interests between the individual countries of Western Europe. Such motives of integration also influenced the character of the emerging Western European political, military and economic organizations. The economic development of Western European countries, whose sources, in addition to the Marshall Plan, should be seen also in other factors, later led to a shift of integration initiatives from the American side to the European one. From a formal point of view, the effects of US policy in the period up to 1950 entailed: the establishment of NATO, the creation of the OEEC and the signing of the agreement on the EUP.

The influence of the US on the forms and course of the integration processes in Western Europe was very strong, especially in the first post-war years. It was the influence of an external force which, being free of the internal contradictions stemming from Western Europe's interests, had at its disposal real capabilities to impose integration concepts beneficial to itself. Such integration was in line with both the economic and military interests of the United States during this period. The main reasons prompting Western European countries in the first post-war years to accept the solutions suggested by the United States were: the said countries' difficult economic situation, fear of the communist parties' coming to power, and the reluctant (hostile) attitude towards the USSR and the communist bloc. The combination of these causes served to temporarily neutralize the centrifugal tendencies and muted the divergence of interests between the individual countries of Western Europe. Such motives of integration also influenced the character of the emerging Western European political, military and economic organizations. The economic development of Western European countries, whose sources, in addition to the Marshall Plan, should be seen also in other factors, later led to a shift of integration initiatives from the American side to the European one. From a formal point of view, the effects of US policy in the period up to 1950 entailed: the establishment of NATO, the creation of the OEEC and the signing of the agreement on the EUP.

The influence of the US on the forms and course of the integration processes in Western Europe was very strong, especially in the first post-war years. It was the influence of an external force which, being free of the internal contradictions stemming from Western Europe's interests, had at its disposal real capabilities to impose integration concepts beneficial to itself. Such integration was in line with both the economic and military interests of the United States during this period. The main reasons prompting Western European countries in the first post-war years to accept the solutions suggested by the United States were: the said countries' difficult economic situation, fear of the communist parties' coming to power, and the reluctant (hostile) attitude towards the USSR and the communist bloc. The combination of these causes served to temporarily neutralize the centrifugal tendencies and muted the divergence of interests between the individual countries of Western Europe. Such motives of integration also influenced the character of the emerging Western European political, military and economic organizations. The economic development of Western European countries, whose sources, in addition to the Marshall Plan, should be seen also in other factors, later led to a shift of integration initiatives from the American side to the European one. From a formal point of view, the effects of US policy in the period up to 1950 entailed: the establishment of NATO, the creation of the OEEC and the signing of the agreement on the EUP.

Scientific connections between Polish People's Republic and The Second Yugoslavia were a very important element of the bilateral relations between both countries. The mechanisms and rules of the scientific cooperation were similar to the rules and mechanisms of the cultural cooperation and faced the same constraints and possibilities. Types of institutions existing in the field of culture had their correspondences in the field of science and education. Developing of the scientific cooperation was not a strategic aim for both countries in the interwar period as well as during the Communism due to the situation on the international political scene. In the era of globalization, in the context of international scientific cooperation, interslavic relations has become the weakest in the last two centuries. Nowadays, even more than before, the scientific cooperation between all Slavic countries depends on individuals and their involvement. ; Scientific connections between Polish People's Republic and The Second Yugoslavia were a very important element of the bilateral relations between both countries. The mechanisms and rules of the scientific cooperation were similar to the rules and mechanisms of the cultural cooperation and faced the same constraints and possibilities. Types of institutions existing in the field of culture had their correspondences in the field of science and education. Developing of the scientific cooperation was not a strategic aim for both countries in the interwar period as well as during the Communism due to the situation on the international political scene. In the era of globalization, in the context of international scientific cooperation, interslavic relations has become the weakest in the last two centuries. Nowadays, even more than before, the scientific cooperation between all Slavic countries depends on individuals and their involvement.