Suchergebnisse

Although the new international economic
order (NIEO) has mostly been assessed as a failure, its
ideas still seem relevant in today's crisis environment.
The new context clearly shows that the existing liberal
international order is ineffective and calls for deep
changes like in the times of the developing countries'
fight for the NIEO. The article considers whether its
principles remain of relevance today, which ones have
been amended and which should be newly introduced,
all based on NIEO-related lessons. Dilemmas between
international law or a rules-based order as a framework for global governance and whether the proposed
new inclusive global economic order is to be based on
values (and if so, which) are evaluated.
Keywords: new international economic order, new
inclusive global economic order, rules-based order, values, principles, international law, global governance,
lessons

This paper examines the concept of banal nationalism as often unconscious,
routine processes that nations reproduce on a daily basis. Banal nationalism is
recognisable in the use of national symbols but also in language and culture. The
purpose of this paper is to determine whether Slovenian folk-pop music is one of
these processes, and in which ways and strategies we can detect its reproductive
role in banal nationalism that on a daily basis reminds its listeners of their national
identities. Methodologically, the article is based on the content and a textual
analysis of compositions by three of the most often listened to folk-pop ensembles,
demonstrating that the national narrative can be identified in a smaller proportion
of all analysed compositions in three sections: the idea of nation as an imaginary
community or home(land), national (auto)stereotypes, and patriotic feelings.

Different organizational structures of the Catholic Church in Slovenia were a reflection of the circumstances in the Christian community in the Central European region. Being a basic structure, a diocese has existed since the antique period. The diocese is a religious community with a centre in a large settlement (civitas). With the spread of Christianity into the rural areas and into the peasant environment, parishes began to come into existence. In historiography, the terms 'primitive parishes' began to be used to refer to the oldest parishes. They were characterized by their vastness. The number of primitive parishes increased in the 12th century. Due to remoteness of diocesan centres from the communities in rural areas and because of the inability of bishops to be in touch with the priests in rural areas, intermediate stages of organization were coming into existence during centuries, i.e., archdeaconries and deaneries at some places. Some important changes occurred in the operation of the Catholic Church and in its organization in Slovenia during the years after the Second World War. New parishes were established. The change of the state boundaries required changing the diocesan boundaries. Finally, the creation of the independent state of the Republic of Slovenia required a new setting up of the pastoral work and a new territorial organization of dioceses. Adapted from the source document.

V članku, ki temelji na analizi posebne študije, ki jo je leta 1916 pripravilo avstro-ogrsko poveljstvo jugozahodne fronte, so predstavljeni pogledi visokega vojaškega poveljstva na politično dogajanje na Hrvaškem v času prve svetovne vojne. Skladno z vsebino omenjene študije bo tudi v pričujočem članku posebna pozornost posvečena italijanskemu iredentizmu in južnoslovanskim težnjam na otokih Kvarnerja, kot tudi delovanju Jugoslovanskega odbora. V sklopu avstro-ogrskega vojnega absolutizma je poveljstvo, ki je nastalo ob vstopu Kraljevine Italije v vojno, ob vodenju vojne proti novemu nasprotniku pridobilo tudi obsežna politična pooblastila. Slednja so vojaškim organom omogočila nadzor nad v očeh oblasti nevernimi in cesarju ter državi nezvestimi skupinami in posamezniki. ; The outbreak of the First World War Apart presented Austria-Hungary not only with military questions but also with major political issues. The very existence of the state now crucially rested on the attitude of civilian population, with any possible unrest in the rear threatening the stability of the entire country. In this regard, the onset of the war ushered in the period of the so-called "war absolutism", with which the state boosted its surveillance of what it considered "dangerous" individuals and groups. The state surveillance apparatus incorporated numerous state and provincial bodies, including military structures. This article aims to analyze a special study that the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front issued in 1916, with a particular focus on analyzing the political attitude among the Italian and Croatian population of Istria, and the activities of the Southern Slav Committee. The said command also prepared similar studies evaluating the disposition of the Slovenian and Italian inhabitants of Southern Tyrol. The study of the developments in Istria is titled Staatsfeindliche Bewegungen in Fiume und Kroatien sowie auf den Inseln im Quarnero (Anti-State Movements in Rijeka, Croatia, and the Kvarner Islands). In the first part, the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front analyzed local irredentism and provided a detailed description of organizations and individuals at the heart of the movement. Surveillance of irredentist cells grew in its importance especially after the Kingdom of Italy declared war on Austria-Hungary in May 1915. The empire and its army began to perceive irredentism as a serious threat, deeming that organized resistance, diversion operations, and political disobedience in the rear might aggravate the military situation on the front. The second part of the study, more interesting from the Croatian point of view, centers on activities of the Southern Slav Committee and the Southern Slav movement on Krk Island. Regarding the latter, it is especially noteworthy that the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front declared Anton Mahnič, Bishop of Krk, as its central figure. Although most views presented are based on the analysis of various newspaper articles and individual reports, the booklet offers an interesting insight into the dimensions of state surveillance both at home and abroad. More specifically, an association of the Southern Slav emigration, the Southern Slav Committee was regarded by the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front and the state leadership as a dangerous organization embodying, through its desire to unify the Austro-Hungarian Southern Slavs with the Kingdom of Serbia, a destabilizing force undermining the Habsburg unity. Accordingly, the study focused more closely on the prominent members of the Southern Slav Committee, such as its president Ante Trumbić, as well as Franjo Supilo, and Bogumil Vošnjak. Although the study clearly established that many data contained therein were of questionable credibility, its authors nevertheless maintained that this did not diminish its significance or the significance of the views regarding all "dangerous" individuals and associations within and beyond the state borders. The study presented in the article offers an extremely interesting insight into the dimensions of the Austro-Hungarian state and military surveillance during the First World War. Such examples not only further substantiate the existing knowledge about "war absolutism" but above all testify to the diligence with which the state addressed the threat of war by exerting surveillance of all "dangerous" structures. In the event of an unrest, the state and the army could use detailed inventories, many also listing names, to persecute and imprison individuals and associations. Moreover, in light of the events that unfolded towards the end of the First World War, both in relation to the Southern Slav integrations and Italian territorial aspirations in Istria and the Bay of Kvarner, it is safe to conclude that the study conducted by the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front accurately evaluated individual "dangerous" cells, which in late October and early November 1918 played a notable role in the destruction of the Habsburg state and the creation of new political entities.

Magistrsko delo v ospredje postavlja razvojno tematiko, ki predstavlja enega izmed najpomembnejših področij Organizacije združenih narodov. Zametki oblikovanja organizacije segajo že v čas druge svetovne vojne, ustanovljena pa je bila po koncu vojne z namenom ohranjati mir in varnost v svetu. Čeprav je organizacija najbolj prepoznavna po mirovnih operacijah, pa največji delež sredstev nameni ekonomskemu in socialnemu razvoju. Razvojna desetletja, ki jih je organizacija postopno oblikovala in uresničevala, so prinesla velik premik v razumevanju koncepta razvoja (od strogo ekonomskega do multidisciplinarnega). Ta desetletja so nasledili Milenijski razvojni cilji. Bili so prvi merljivi cilji – s kazalniki je bilo mogoče meriti in ocenjevati njihov napredek. Leta 2015 so jih nasledili Cilji trajnostnega razvoja. Ne razvojna desetletja ne Milenijski razvojni cilji niso uspeli v celoti uresničiti zastavljenih ciljev. Vzroki za to so različni, magistrsko delo pa ponuja še dodaten vidik razumevanja delovanja Organizacije združenih narodov in njene nezmožnosti uresničevanja zastavljenih ciljev. Izmerjeno elektromagnetno polje organizacije pokaže, da organizacija zaradi nepretočnosti energij ni zmožna delovati skladno z zastavljenimi načeli in cilji, zapisanimi v Ustanovni listini. Ta problem pa je mogoče rešiti le s transformacijo zavesti ljudi in s srčno (ne le razumsko) zavezanostjo k uresničevanju ciljev. ; The Master's thesis focuses on the topic of development which represents one of the most important areas of the United Nations. The organization was formally established after the Second World War with the aim to preserve peace and security in the world, but its conception had already began during the war. Although the organization is best known for peacekeeping operations, it devotes the largest share of resources to economic and social development. The development decades, that the organization gradually developed and realised, were a major contribution to the understanding of the concept of development (from a strictly economic to multidisciplinary). These decades were followed by the Millennium Development Goals. They were the first measurable goals – with the help of indicators it was possible to measure and assess their progress. In 2015 they were replaced by the Sustainable Development Goals. Neither the development decades nor the Millennium Development Goals were able to fully realize the set goals. There are various reasons for this, but this Master's thesis offers an additional aspect of understanding the functioning of the United Nations and its inability to meet the set goals. The measured electromagnetic field of the organization shows that it is unable to function in accordance with the principles and goals written in the Charter due to a lack of energy flow. This problem can only be solved by transforming the people's consciousness and by a heartful (not only rational) commitment to the attainment of goals.

Magistrsko delo obravnava vpliv migracij na vzpon podpore ekstremističnim političnim strankam v EU. Toksična kombinacija evroskepticizma, dolgega obdobja gospodarske stagnacije in najhujše migrantske krize od konca druge svetovne vojne je vodila do povečanja nestrpnosti državljanov EU do migrantov, percepcije ogroženosti lastne države in EU, s tem pa tudi do raztezanja vzpona desnih ekstremističnih političnih strank po celotni celini. Raziskovalni cilj predstavlja analiza povezanosti njihovega vzpona v EU s predpostavljenim najmočnejšim pojasnjevalnim dejavnikom, tj. stopnja liberalizacije oziroma odprtosti migracijske politike posameznih držav, od česar je odvisno število sprejetih migrantov. Pri tem sem uporabila metode analize primarnih in sekundarnih virov, vključujoč uradne statistike, ter javnomnenjske in mednarodne primerjalne raziskave prepričanj in delovanja posameznikov. Na njihovi podlagi potrjujem porast migrantskega staleža in desnih ekstremističnih tendenc v EU ter hkrati tudi obstoj korelacije. Z izjemo Malte, Portugalske, Romunije, Slovenije, Hrvaške, Španije ter Irske, v katerih desne ekstremistične politične stranke niso prepoznane. Vpliv migracij na volilne rezultate se zaradi individualnih nacionalnih značilnosti posameznih držav članic EU izraža različno, zato posledično zavračam možnost predpostavljenih jasnih linearnih vzporednic. ; The master thesis addresses the issue of migration's impact on the rise of support for extremist political parties in the EU. The toxic combination of Euroscepticism, the long period of economic stagnation and the worst migrant crisis since the end of the Second World War has led to an increase of EU citizens' intolerance against migrants, the perception of the threat to their own country and the EU, as well as the extension of the rise of right-wing extremist political parties throughout the continent. The research objective is to analyse the correlation of their rise in the EU with the presumed strongest explanatory factor, i.e. the degree of liberalization or openness of the migration policy in individual countries, on which depends the number of migrants accepted. In doing so, methods of analysing primary and secondary sources, including official statistics, opinion polls and international comparative research on the beliefs and actions of individuals, were used. On their basis, I confirm the growth of the migrant stock and the right extremist tendencies in the EU, and at the same time the existence of a correlation. With the exception of Malta, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Croatia, Spain and Ireland, where the right-wing extremist political parties are not recognized. The impact of migration on election results is reflected differently due to individual national characteristics of EU Member States, consequently I reject the possibility of assuming clear linear parallels.

V članku, ki temelji predvsem na arhivskem gradivu in publicistiki, je predstavljeno politično delovanje Ivana Švegla, nekdanjega avstro-ogrskega konzula v Združenih državah Amerike in Kanadi, ki je po prevratu deloval na pariški mirovni konferenci. V Začasnem narodnem predstavništvu v Beogradu je predstavljal Trst, na volitvah leta 1927 pa je kandidiral na listi Hrvaške kmečke stranke Stjepana Radića. V tem prispevku so predstavljene širše okoliščine Šveglove povezanosti z Radićevo stranko. ; This article presents the political activities of the Slovene diplomat and legal expert Ivan Krizostom Švegel (a.k.a. Hans Schwegel, 1875–1962), who primarily served as an Austro-Hungarian consul in the United States and Canada before the First World War. Although his involvement in the delegation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 has not passed unnoticed in Slovene historiography, less is known about his political career. Švegel already expressed his sympathies for the Croatian national demands at the Paris Peace Conference, especially by interceding with American diplomats for the incorporation of Rijeka by Yugoslavia and helping his Croatian counterparts settle the question concerning the affiliation of the Repaš (Hung. Répás) area along the Drava River. In the Temporary National Representation in Belgrade, Švegel represented Trieste and worked within the framework of the Yugoslav Club, headed by the president of the Pan-Slovene People's Party, Anton Korošec. However, Švegel soon parted ways with Korošec and withdrew from active politics for a few years. In the election of 1927, he ran on the ticket of the Croatian Peasant Party in the Gorski Kotar region at the personal proposal of Stjepan Radić and made his way into the Croatian parliamentary representation in the Belgrade assembly. Radić's decision to nominate Švegel as a Slovene candidate in one of the traditionally winnable Croatian constituencies for his party undoubtedly added to the chagrin of Korošec, who had long been at odds with Radić. Much to the surprise of Radić's most intimate circle, at the end of 1927 Švegel joined the rebellious faction of Ljudevit Kežman, a priest and long-standing secretary of the Croatian Peasant Party. Yet rather than hold him to blame, Radić continued to cooperate with Švegel until the fateful shooting incident in the Belgrade assembly on June 20th, 1928. During the assassination against Radić and his colleagues, Švegel, according to his own testimony, was composed enough to help lift Svetozar Pribićević from his bench to safety. In the early period of the royal dictatorship, Švegel maintained a low profile until the spring of 1930, when he joined the government as a minister without portfolio, together with three other dissidents from the former Croatian Peasant Party. After he was soon forced to leave his position in the royal government, he briefly returned to diplomacy in 1931 by being appointed envoy of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia to Buenos Aires. However, no later than 1932, he was forced to leave his office due to disagreements with other officials at the legation and the heads of the foreign ministry and to retire. As his correspondence with Marija Radić reveals, Švegel also remained a faithful adherent to Radić's views after the Second World War.