Suchergebnisse

La Parte II de este ensayo analiza en primer lugar las grandes y profundas transformaciones de la economía, la industria, la banca y en general del país como resultado del triunfo de la Revolución Islámica de Irán y la llegada al poder de los fundamentalistas musulmanes a partir de 1979. Asimismo, esta Parte II analiza el papel jugado por la religión shiìta en el desarrollo de todos estos cambios. Con Khumayni se planteó la posibilidad política, económica y social de la religión como alternativa al capitalismo, al secularismo, a la dinastía y a la dictadura del Shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi. También durante el gobierno de Khumayni se llegaron a cometer muchos y grandes abusos y el sistema resultó tan represivo como al que derrocó. Los planes de nacionalización extremos de Irán durante el gobierno de Khumayni tuvieron una revisión sistemática y una apertura constante hacia la privatización, hacia el capitalismo y la globalización, obviamente después de la muerte del Ayatullah Khumayni en 1989, con los gobiernos más moderados de Rafsanjani, y de Khatami como se explica en esta Parte II. El contraste entre ambos períodos de la República Islámica de Irán es evidente, al punto que se dio lugar a la fundación de la Segunda República de Irán. De igual forma esta Parte II aporta y analiza una serie de tablas y estadísticas que guían al lector con mayor facilidad hacia la comprensión de estos importantes y problemáticos asuntos de las grandes transformaciones de Irán en las últimas décadas del siglo XX y los primeros años del siglo XXI. ; The Part II of this essay analyses the profound transformations of the economy, the industry, the bank system, and in general de Iranian society, after the triumph of the Iranian Islamic Revolution back in 1979. This Part II also deals with the fact that Khumayni, since his arrival to power, proposed the political, economic and social possibility that religion would be an alternative to capitalism, to the dynasty in power, to secularism and to the Shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi. Khumayni`s regime was also abusive, and came to be as repressive as the Shah's. Iran's extreme nationalization plans under Khumayni's goverment experienced a systematic process of revisions, obviously after Khumayni's death in 1989. These revisions and changes in politics, and the economy of the country led to an increasing opening to privatization, capitalism and globalization due to the more moderate governments that followed after Khumayni's death in 1989, mainly those more moderate of Rafsanjani and Khatami, as this is explained in this Part II. The contrast between the two periods of the Islamic Republic is so evident that a Second Republic of Iran was founded and developed. This Part II also provides a number of tables and statistical data, which guides de reader to an easier understanding of the numerous transformations of Iran in the last decades of the 20th century and the first years of the 21th century.

Conflicts in human rights today are often conflicts around religion and equality. They focus on headscarves, swimming lessons or prayer during school. To understand them better, we need to resist the temptation to reduce them to cases or clashes between a determinate set of rights. Rather, we need to understand the political agendas set, including the culturalization of religion and the othering of sex equality, and we need to analyse such conflicts in contexts of contested secularism, as an occurrence in a world of multi-level (and thus also contested) regulation and as a problem of multiple inequalities. To solve them, this paper suggests relying on a triangle of fundamental human rights, with substantive equality and interrelated liberty as well as dignity.

Reasonable accommodations, which in the framework of multiculturalism allow differential anti-discriminatory treatment in favour of religious minorities, are an important instrument in the ethnocultural integration policy in Canada. However, the fear of excesses in the acceptance of the accommodations, in a context of fear of religious fundamentalism, has triggered an important crisis in Quebec, where the bases of multiculturalism and the protagonism of the law have been questioned. This crisis, which shows the importance that delimiting the meaning of secularism has in our societies, led the Government of Quebec to create the Commission de consultation sur les pratiques d'accommodement reliees aux differences culturelles for the purpose of knowing the in-depth causes of this crisis and to propose solutions to overcome it. Adapted from the source document.

Much scholarly attention has been given to the importance of the Mélong, the first Tibetan newspaper, in the discursive formation of Tibetan nationalism; yet in claiming the Mélong as 'secular' and 'modern,' previous scholarship has also evaded the press's Christian and colonial roots. This paper investigates the secularization of the Mélong and the Tibet Mirror Press as an historical project, and as a corollary demonstrates the emergence of a vernacular project of secularism that aligned pan-Tibetan national identity with religious pluralism against the threat of communism. As a Tibetan Christian intellectual, the Mélong's founder Dorjé Tarchin (1890-1976) creatively responded to divergent and competing processes associated with British colonialism and missionary activity in India which led to the birth of the newspaper in 1925. Based outside of the purview of the xenophobic Lhasa government, Tarchin's base in the Christian Scottish Mission provided an alternative institution for cultural production outside of Buddhist ones. This contributed to the secularization of Tibetan print culture by moving production away from the Buddhist-monastic elite, introducing a new genre into Tibetan discourse, opening up a public sphere for Tibetans, and supporting vernacular language publications. Despite or because of the press initially being situated in the Scottish Mission Church, the Mélong promoted literacy, religious pluralism, and fostered Tibetan national identity. Over the course of its near forty-year history, the press would undergo processes of institutional secularization with its separation from the Scottish Mission Church in 1946. Parallel to these processes, secularism emerges as a discursive terrain whereby the boundaries of religion, nation, and language are negotiated. I chart Tarchin's role in negotiating and creating this conceptual terrain, gesturing to how the distinct boundaries between Christianity and Buddhism evident in his early career become more porous against the 'distinct other' of communism—the enemy of faith.

This review looks at how Shahab Ahmed engages with history, political elitism, secularism, and anthropology in his book What Is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic.

The authors write a tribute to the legacy of the late Bulent Ecevit, former Prime Minister of Turkey. Ecevit's nationalism, secularism, & democratic & economic ideals are discussed.

AFTER TWO CENTURIES OF ENLIGHTENMENT AND THE MORE RECENT PROGRESS OF SECULARISM, RELIGION HAS AGAIN REARED ITS HEAD AS ONE OF THE MORE CONTROVERSIAL ISSUES IN EUROPE

The boundaries between secularism, democracy, pluralism, and religious diversity cannot easily be demarcated. Bringing democratic and secular values together with religious pluralism, accommodating different religious communities, and acknowledging individual rights is a great challenge for many societies. In parallel, religious education (RE) in state schools has been a controversial and unresolved issue. On both sides of Cyprus, RE is organized in a mono-confessional way: while the Christian Orthodox content of RE is linked with Greek national identity in the Greek Cypriot South, Sunni Islamic RE is linked with the Turkish national identity in the Turkish Cypriot North. On both sides of the island, the compulsory and mono-confessional characters of RE, as well as the national curricula and textbooks that are used, are a source of conflict. Within this context, this article explores the way RE (Orthodox Christian, Sunni Islamic) is organized in Cyprus and to what extent this may lead to an infringement of the freedom of religion and freedom of education.

In Qué ; bec, tensions between youth immigrants&rsquo ; identification and the perceived identity of the &ldquo ; majority group&rdquo ; is evident in greater Montré ; al-area schools, where a plurality of ethno-cultural or religious affiliations often converge and where racism and Islamophobia are becoming major social issues (Benhadjoudja 2014 ; Baubé ; rot 2014 ; Bilge 2013). This paper aims to explore the discourses of &ldquo ; minoritized&rdquo ; Muslim youth pertaining to their perceived boundaries with respect to the majority group, considering the power relations at play. Ten qualitative interviews with Muslim youth born to immigrant parents and studying in colleges (CEGEPs) of the Montré ; al region will be analyzed. A typological analysis will reveal their main positions with regard to the majority group, which encompass ways of negotiating the border between the &ldquo ; Us&rdquo ; and &ldquo ; Them,&rdquo ; influenced by the process of secularism, arising from acceptance, contestation, or even a sort of exacerbation of racializing categorization. In conclusion, the social and political implications of these findings will be discussed.