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Thomas Sowell said that "reality does not go away when it is ignored". The reality around Europe is changing rapidly, and EU foreign and security policy has to adapt to those changes. New security threats, power shifting from the Western world to Asia or from nation states to non-state actors, and the increasingly global character of all major challenges that Europe is to face in the next decade are forcing the EU to reform. This chapter sketches out a plan of reform around four topics: 1. Sources of European power; 2. Projection of European values; 3. European security: Comprehensive approach and strategic sovereignty; 4. Going beyond the neighbourhood – The EU as a truly global actor. These topics were chosen on the basis of public discussions during the Expert Forum held online by the European Liberal Forum in October 2020. The chapter is structured as follows. The first part briefly presents the current state of affairs, identifying major problems to be solved. The second part analyses three possible scenarios of EU foreign and security policy development—from sailing where the wind blows to executing fundamental changes in line with the liberal agenda. The final part outlines the set of policy recommendations for the preferred scenario of deep and far-reaching reforms.

Comunicació presentada al SACMAT '20: The 25th ACM Symposium on Access Control Models and Technologies, celebrat del 10 al 12 de juny de 2020 a Barcelona, Espanya. ; There has been over the past decade a rapid change towards computational environments that are comprised of large and diverse sets of devices, many of them mobile, which can connect in flexible and context-dependent ways. Examples range from networks where we can have communications between powerful cloud centers, to the myriad of simple sensor devices on the IoT. As the management of these dynamic environments becomes ever more complex, we want to propose policy migrations as a methodology to simplify the management of security policies by re-utilizing and re-deploying existing policies as the systems change. We are interested in understanding the challenges raised answering the following question: given a security policy that is being enforced in a particular source computational device, what does it entail to migrate this policy to be enforced in a different target device? Because of the differences between devices and because these devices cannot be seen in isolation but in the context where they are deployed, the meaning of the policy enforced in the source device needs to be re-interpreted and implemented in the context of the target device. The aim of the paper is to present a formal framework to evaluate the appropriateness of the migration. ; This research was sponsored by the U.S. Army Research Laboratory and the U.K. Ministry of Defence under Agreement Number W911NF-16-3-0001. The views and conclusions contained in this document are those of the authors and should not be interpreted as representing the official policies, either expressed or implied, of the U.S. Army Research Laboratory, the U.S. Government, the U.K. Ministry of Defence or the U.K. Government. The U.S. and U.K. Governments are authorized to reproduce and distribute reprints for Government purposes notwithstanding any copyright notation hereon. Jorge Lobo was also supported by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness under Grant Numbers TIN201681032P, MDM20150502, and the U.S. Army Research Office under agreement number W911NF1910432.

Since September 11, 2001, our newspapers have been filled with the 'war on terror'; our governments have mobilised their resources for 'homeland security'; and people everywhere are braced for more terrorist attacks. Yet while the new threat is genuine, we must not lose sight of the continuing security concerns in the Asia-Pacific. Tensions persist on the Korean peninsula, in the Taiwan Straits and the South China Sea, and in Kashmir. The region is well supplied with weapons of mass destruction and may face an arms race, and there are a range of pressing human security issues. Likewise, the strategic realities of the region remain linked with US power, and with the emergence of China as a key regional player. The book examines the developing strategic relationships in the region, and clarifies the dilemmas for Australian policy-makers as they try to balance genuine engagement with the region against a long-standing and valued alliance with the United States. Emerging from discussions between the Shanghai Institute for International Studies and the University of New South Wales at ADFA, Asia-Pacific Security has a particular relevance for foreign-policy professionals and scholars of the region.

This study aims to explain the structure in the network of food security policy implementation in Bone Regency and explain the coordination in the network of food security policy implementation in Bone Regency. This research uses a qualitative approach. Data collection techniques for in-depth interviews, documentation, and observation. Data were analyzed with data reduction techniques, data presentation, conclusion making, and verification. The results showed the structure in the network organization for implementing food security policies which included non-government officials and CBOs (Community-Based Organization). The actor interaction pattern is measured by the frequency of contacts in the food security policy network including the contribution of actors, namely providing resources, the high intensity of actor introductions and the utility obtained by the Community Based Organization in the implementation of the program. The second sub-dimension is the low level of trust between actors, seen from the ineffective program implementation. The quality of information sharing in the food security policy network is still low. Resources exchange in food security policy is still limited.

The member states of the European Union (EU) coordinate, define, and implement foreign policy in the context of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). This policy area, often referred to as EU foreign policy, has a broad scope covering all areas of foreign policy and all questions relating to security and defense. The CFSP is supported by a unique institutional framework, in which member states diplomats and officials from the EU institutions jointly make policy. It is led by the High Representative, who is the "face and voice" of EU foreign policy, and supported by the substantial European External Action Service and 140 EU delegations in other countries and international organizations. Because foreign policy is normally the business of sovereign states, the exceptional nature of the CFSP has long been a subject of inquiry. The CFSP has particularly puzzled advocates of the traditional theories of European integration and international relations, who have failed to appreciate what the EU does in the field of high politics. Given the absence of formal diplomatic recognition and a strong reliance on the resources of the member states, the EU is still not a full-fledged actor, yet it has a strong international presence nonetheless. Its presence and the gradual increase in "actorness" have also raised questions about whether the EU presents a different type of actor, a civilian or normative power, which derives its influence from non-traditional sources of power. Under the assumption that the EU has some actorness, the Europeanization of foreign policy has become an area of interest. Member states can act through the EU structure to achieve more impact internationally, can adjust national foreign policy on the basis of EU positions, and are socialized into greater European coordination. The relationship between national and EU foreign policy is thus a significant topic of debate. Finally, governance perspectives increasingly provide insight into the organization of the CFSP. How the member states and the EU ...

The issue of port security raised concerns at the highest levels after the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001 against the United States. Security threats against ports and vessels acquired a new perspective and in 2002 the International Maritime Organization (IMO) adopted amendments to the International Convention for the Safety of Life at Sea (SOLAS), 1974, introducing Chapter XI-2 - Special measures to enhance maritime security. This set of regulations enshrines the International Ship and Port Facilities Security Code (ISPS Code), which entered into force on 1 July 2004. This Code establishes a set of measures to enhance the security of ships and port facilities. It encompasses two parts. Part A establishes the mandatory provisions, the non-mandatory ("recommended") and part B provides guidelines about how to comply with the obligatory requirements of part A. Together with a critical analysis of the national legislation about the enactment of the ISPS Code into national law, this dissertation examines the level of implementation and compliance of this instrument in Mexico with special focus on port security. This dissertation also provides a transparent incident-reporting instrument developed and tested through this research effort in Mexico for reporting of port and maritime security incidents. This tool joins three primary port/maritime security functions: a) Reporting of port and maritime security incidents; b) Classification and investigation of serious security incidents that require reassessments of the Port Security Assessments, (PSA), Port Facility Security Assessments (PFSA), and amendments to Port Security Plans (PSP) and Port Facility Security Plans (PFSP) and finally; c) Collection of evidence material related to the security incident. This instrument, combined with statistics, provides nations with crucial information, about threats, needs and challenges for allocation of economic, material and human resources. It also provides essential information material to set up strategies for the development of a National Maritime Security Policy. Its flexibility and adaptability makes possible its implementation at any State of the world. The results of this analysis reflect the conflictive cooperation between the Secretaría de Marina (SEMAR) and the Secretaría de Comunicaciones y Transportes, (SCT). This, together with the ambiguities and contradictions of the National Maritime Regime, even though the extensive reforms of 2016 limits the exercise of authority of SEMAR and the operation of the CUMAR(s), the organ responsible for implementation and compliance of the ISPS Code, at all ports across the country. This doctoral dissertation comprises six introductory chapters, which are referred to as the kappa and five annexed papers. It aims to contribute to the maritime realm within the area of maritime security, with special focus on port security through the following general objectives: • Elaborate a critical analysis of the current port security situation of Mexico, with special focus on implementation and compliance of the ISPS Code, including the state of the art and harmonization of international legislation with national law; • Identify the most relevant security threats to port facilities in Mexico, including oil terminals and offshore installations; • Develop an analytical instrument for security incidents-reporting & incident investigation, to strengthen the continual evolution of PSA/PFSA and PSP/PFSP and useful for setting up the strategies of a national maritime security policy with possibility for implementation worldwide. The approach adopted in this study is mainly based on qualitative methods, combined with action research and a limited use of statistics. The research objectives call for classical documental analyses examining the elements of relevant international legislation against its implementation into national legislation in the referred nation-state. The methods were selected on their usefulness and efficacy for analysis of law and policy. Action Research was used for implementation test and improvement of the reporting incident instrument, which can also be used for setting up the strategies for the development of a National Maritime Security Policy. Action Research is recommended when it is intended to improve understanding, develop his/others learning and influence other's learning, taking action for social improvement. The findings related to serious deficiencies in the implementation and compliance of the ISPS Code in Mexico, concerning reporting of security incidents and its re- evaluation with the PFSA and respective amendments to PFSP, the poor exercise of authority from the representatives of SEMAR at the CUMARs in respect of fulfilling its obligations and responsibilities concerning port and maritime security; and the identification of necessary legal amendments to national law, as well as the remarkable improvement in reporting security incidents after the implementation of the "transparent security-incident-reporting tool", that enables port/maritime security incident investigation and can serve to identify the problem areas; contributing to set up the strategies for the development of a national maritime security policy, together with the instrument itself, are some of the most relevant contributions of this dissertation.

Technological sophistication does not escape cyber threats. The higher the complexity of technology, the more vulnerability to cyber attacks continues to increase. In Indonesia, there are only a few Maritime Cyber Security policies and social security socialisation within government institutions. It needs to become a priority for the government, given the increasing sophistication of technology every year and the growing vulnerability of cyber threats. This study used a qualitative method with a Grounded Theory design, and data collection techniques were literature study and interviews. Cyber regulations in Indonesia are still regulated in the Information Technology and Electronic Law (abbreviated as the ITE Law) or Law number 11 of 2008 and handled by the National Cyber and Crypto Agency. Meanwhile, the regulations related to Maritime Cyber have not given special rules in Indonesia. Several international countries implemented these government policies because they believe in the importance of maritime security. Several international countries have implemented these policies because they believe in the importance of maritime security in cyberspace. This is due to increasingly sophisticated technological developments and the changing times that are increasingly digitising. The Indonesian government must immediately prioritise maritime security issues related to cyber threats in the Indonesian shipping area and establish an institution responsible for cyber problems in Indonesia's maritime space. The existence of rules or policies related to cyber security in the marine space will improve shipping safety and security in Indonesia. In this paper, the author formulates the research problem of how the Indonesian government's policy deals with the threat of Maritime Cyber in the shipping sector in Indonesia.

The twenty first century will be remembered in the history of mankind as the century of change, constant danger, "clash of civilisations", collective insecurity, mistrust towards "the other", injustices caused by the Iraq war and by the terrorist attacks of September 11th 2001, in the United States, March 11th 2004, in Spain, and July 7th 2005, in London, respectively. We should not, however, neglect all the other terrorist attacks to the most elementary human rights perpetrated every day around the world. Indeed, the "insecurity" epidemic proliferates around the globe. Therefore, it is urgent for the European Union (EU) to adopt and implement a reinforced Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP).

[Introduction] Brazil currently offers an important conceptual framework for food and nutritional security, and a relevant context of related public policy and programming. Recently, moreover, the country included the right to food among the social rights stipulated in its constitution. These achievements are the result of a longstanding process of public intervention and broad social mobilisation that has involved a variety of stakeholders from the government and civil society. As far as public programming is concerned, several actions that may reflect on food and nutritional conditions were taken in Brazil throughout the twentieth century, such as the minimum wage in 1940, supply programmes, school meals and dining halls for workers in the 1950s, and food supplement programmes in the 1970s (CONSEA, 2009). Nevertheless, the recent mobilisation around the concepts of food and nutritional security started to acquire significant national scope mainly in the 1980s. Important initiatives from this period include the preparation of the document 'Food Security-Proposal for a Policy to Fight Hunger' by the Ministry of Agriculture in 1985, which offered an important technical discussion; and the mobilisation of the civil society that led in 1986 to the first National Food and Nutrition Conference (CNAN), which played a significant political role (CONSEA, 2009). The following decade also saw significant progress on ideas and activities in the areas of food and nutritional security. In 1993, civil society conducted an important awareness raising campaign called Citizenship Action against Hunger and Poverty and for Life. The campaign fostered substantial mobilisation about hunger in Brazilian society and led to the amassing of thousands of tons of food to be distributed to the needy. Then-President Itamar Franco gave backing to the matter within government. He declared hunger an absolute political priority and assumed responsibility for implementing a proposal on a National Food Security Policy. This commitment led to four important events. (.)

Özet: Bu çalışmanın öncelikli amacı Avrupa'daki büyük ülkelerinin enerji politikalarının uluslararası siyasetin sistemsel etkilerinden ne derece etkilendiğini ve Türkiye'nin Avrupa'nın enerji güvenliği üzerinde ne derece etkisinin olduğunu ortaya çıkarmaktır. Bu amaç doğrultusunda tez neo-realist bir yaklaşım kullanmakta ve uluslararası sistemin tek kutuplu yapısının Avrupa'nın büyük devletlerinin dış politika ve enerji politika davranışlarını soğuk savaşın bitiminden beri etkilemekte olduğunu tartışmaktadır. Tez ayrıca Türkiye'nin Avrupa'nın enerji güvenliğini sağlamadaki rolünün çok önemli fakat tek başına yeterli olmadığını da tartışmaktadır. Çalışmanın ilk bölümü neo-realizmle ilgili var olan kaynakların incelenmesi yoluyla teorik çerçeveyi oluşturmaktadır. İkinci ve üçüncü bölümler sırasıyla Avrupa Birliği ile büyük üye ülkelerinin ve Türkiye'nin enerji görünümünü ele almakta ve enerji politikalarını değerlendirmektedir. Son bölümde, Avrupa'nın büyük devletlerinin enerji güvenliği konusu komşu bulunan enerji bölgeleri ve küresel güç dengesi çerçevesinde ele alınmaktadır. Sonuç olarak, bu çalışma AB'nin büyük üyeleri için enerji güvenliğinin çok kritik bir konu olduğunu ve Avrupa ile potansiyel enerji sağlayıcıları arasında bulunan Türkiye'nin de Avrupa ülkelerinin enerji güvenliğini sağlamada stratejik bir role sahip olduğunu ileri sürmektedir.ABSTRACTThe foremost aim of the present study is to find out what extent the energy security policies of the major European countries are affected by the systemic imperatives of international politics, and to what extent Turkey has an impact on energy security of Europe. To realize this aim, this study applies a neo-realist approach and argues that the uni-polar structure of the international system has changed the foreign policy and energy policy behaviors of major European powers since the end of the Cold-War. The thesis also argues that Turkey's role in providing European energy security is crucial yet not decisive on its own. The first chapter defines the theoretical framework by examining the existing literature on neo-realism. The second and third chapters examine the energy outlook and evalute energy policies of the EU and its major member states and Turkey, respectively. In the final chapter, the energy secuirty of major European powers is analyzed with respect to neighbouring energy areas as well as the global balance of power. To conclude, this study maintains that energy security is a very critical issue for the major EU member states and Turkey has a strategic role in their energy security since the country is located in between Europe and its potential energy suppliers.

The well-coordinated terrorist attacks on Sept. 11, 2001 presented the world with a new aviation security threat: the capture of aircraft in flight to be used as human-guided missiles. The two previous threats - hijacking an aircraft for ransom and putting a bomb aboard an aircraft - had led to varying degrees of screening of baggage and passengers in developed countries, plus some use of on-board security personnel on selected flights in some countries. In the wake of 9/11, governments in the United States, Canada, and Europe (at both national and EU levels) implemented a number of additional aviation security measures, among them: - strengthened (and locked) cockpit doors; - 100% screening of checked baggage; - more thorough screening of passengers and their carry-on baggage; - increased use of on-board security officers; - increased attention to air cargo; - and greater attention to airport access control and perimeter control. (.)

By emphasising the internal-external security nexus inherent in democratic security, the US could aspire again to lead through the example of its democracy's resilience and ability to self-correct.

By emphasising the internal-external security nexus inherent in democratic security, the US could aspire again to lead through the example of its democracy's resilience and ability to self-correct.

The impact of the European Union on Social Security is quite complex and enigmatic. At the starting point, there is a genuine paradox: whereas the construction of a large and unique market supposes, among many others prerequisites, the harmonization of social security systems, this harmonization is left to the good will of the member States since Social security is not truly within the competence of the Union. In these conditions, it is quite obvious that a thought and organized harmonization is absolutely unreachable. Beyond the threat of systems of social protection in the European Union contracting, the issue arises of their restructuring and alignment. Given the common challenges they all face (ageing populations, family instability, unemployment, social exclusion and job insecurity), the priority for the reform debate is the redefi nition of fundamental rights and the need to draw a distinction between conditional and universal rights.Through a brief review of EU social policy development and role in European integration theory, this article will argue that, despite its expansion, EU social policy lacks vital fi nancial and political muscle to signifi cantly affect national welfare regimes and create a European welfare state. Moreover, its broad guidelines and fl exible implementation may even encourage national social policy diversifi cation rather than harmonization.

It is customary to argue that foreign policy is very much dominated by the executive, with parliaments wielding limited influence. However, with the exception of the US Congress, legislative‒executive relations in the realm of foreign and security policy have attracted remarkably little scholarly attention. Drawing on a principal‒agent framework, this collection scrutinises the conventional wisdom of 'executive autonomy' in foreign affairs, indicating that even though parliaments have arguably become more involved in foreign and security policy over time, any notions of parliamentarisation need to be treated with caution. While expectations of consensus in the name of the national interest continue to play an important role in foreign policy decision-making, the papers highlight the role of party-political contestation structuring parliamentary debates and votes in this increasingly politicised issue area. This introductory paper introduces the analytical framework and hypotheses guiding the contributions in this collection, summarises their main findings and suggests avenues for future research.