Suchergebnisse

This paper aims to describe Indonesia's border security policy in the Natuna Islands between 2014 and 2020. The state used to play an active role in moderating tensions in the South China Sea, yet paid less attention to its own security while the Natuna was one of the vulnerable borderlines. The rise of domestic interest orientation in the new presidency of Joko Widodo brought about the importance of border security. The research applied the qualitive method with a descriptive analysis. In order to understand the border security policy in the Natuna, the research applied Wendtian constructivist approach suggesting the role of identity and institution to analyze the state's behavior and policy in international politics. The research found that Indonesia increased military and defense capability as the form of its border security policy in the Natuna made up by deploying troops and military equipment, building defense infrastructure, and strengthening constabulary function and boarding patrols. Such border security policy portrays Indonesia's rising awareness as a maritime state amid the perceived regional structure of East Asia.

In this article its author wanted to treat the history and presence of the system constitutional institutions competent for the area of conception, execution and control of security and defence policy of the Czech Republic and also addresses in short the function and content of the main security documents of the country. The author tried to sketch the institutional and documentary framework of the Czech security policy and to explain roles, relations and obligations of the highest-level constitutional bodies in the process of creation and carrying out of this policy (especially positions of the President, the Parliament, the Government and its so called power ministries and other important institutions). This text does not take a lot all this theme in detail, but it is more aimed at basic information and its target is to expound these problems to those interested, especially to foreign students. ; In this article its author wanted to treat the history and presence of the system constitutional institutions competent for the area of conception, execution and control of security and defence policy of the Czech Republic and also addresses in short the function and content of the main security documents of the country. The author tried to sketch the institutional and documentary framework of the Czech security policy and to explain roles, relations and obligations of the highest-level constitutional bodies in the process of creation and carrying out of this policy (especially positions of the President, the Parliament, the Government and its so called power ministries and other important institutions). This text does not take a lot all this theme in detail, but it is more aimed at basic information and its target is to expound these problems to those interested, especially to foreign students.

Most software applications are designed and developed without an explicitly defined security model. Rather security features are often implemented as afterthoughts on an ad-hoc basis. There exist various formally defined security models that are similar in many but not all aspects. The primary objective of this thesis is to study and compare a set of currently available security models and security policy languages and to find out the features that are common to all of them. The secondary objective is to briefly assess their applicability to serve as general-purpose security models and policy languages in policy-based security architecture. ; Suurin osa tietokoneohjelmistoista suunnitellaan ja toteutetaan ilman eksplisiittisesti määriteltyä tietoturvamallia. Usein tietoturvaominaisuudet toteutetaan suunnittelemattomasti ja vasta jälkikäteen. On olemassa useita en formaalisti määriteltyjä tietoturvamalleja, joilla on paljon samoja piirteitä mutta myös merkittäviä eroavaisuuksia. Tämän diplomityön päätavoite on tutkia eräitä tietoturvamalleja ja tietoturvapolitiikoita kuvaavia kieliä ja löytää ne ominaisuudet, jotka ovat yhteisiä kaikille malleille. Toissijainen tavoite on arvioida eri mallien ja kielten soveltuvuutta osaksi politiikkoihin perustuvaa tietoturva-arkkitehtuuria.

Despite economic integration challenges, ASEAN faces greater security challenges. It is obvious to assert that a stable economic development requires a secure regional atmosphere. The most probable threats against ASEAN are ranging from hostile foreign entities infiltration, intra and inter states disputes, radical religious movements, human trafficking, drugs and narcotics smuggling, cybercrimes and environmental disasters. In 2009, ASEAN established the ASEAN Political and Security Community as the umbrella of ASEAN's political and security initiatives. APSC slots in some significant fora; ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR), ASEAN Foreign Ministers Meeting (AMM), ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), ASEAN Defense Minister's Meeting (ADMM), ASEAN Law Ministers Meeting (ALAWMM), and ASEAN Ministerial Meeting on Transnational Crimes (AMMTC). The wide array of these forums signify ASEAN efforts to confront double features of security; the traditional and nontraditional or critical security. The traditional security considers state security as the primary object security. While the critical security tends to focus on non-state aspects such as individual human being as its referent object. Even though some argue that APSC has been able to preserve the stability in the region, it still lack of confidence in solving critical issues such as territorial disputes and irregular migrants problems.Therefore, this piece would examine the fundamental questions: How does ASEAN address beyond state security issues in its security policy through APSC? To search for the answer this paper would apply critical security studies approach. Critical security posits that threats are not always for the states but in many cases for the people. Based on the examination of ASEAN security policies, this paper argues that ASEAN's security policy has touched the non-traditional security issues but showing slow progress on its development and application.

RUSI was commissioned by GCHQ to conduct an independent research study into the use of artificial intelligence (AI) for national security purposes. The aim of this project is to establish an independent evidence base to inform future policy development regarding national security uses of AI. The findings are based on in-depth consultation with stakeholders from across the UK national security community, law enforcement agencies, private sector companies, academic and legal experts, and civil society representatives. This was complemented by a targeted review of existing literature on the topic of AI and national security. The research has found that AI offers numerous opportunities for the UK national security community to improve efficiency and effectiveness of existing processes. AI methods can rapidly derive insights from large, disparate datasets and identify connections that would otherwise go unnoticed by human operators. However, in the context of national security and the powers given to UK intelligence agencies, use of AI could give rise to additional privacy and human rights considerations which would need to be assessed within the existing legal and regulatory framework. For this reason, enhanced policy and guidance is needed to ensure the privacy and human rights implications of national security uses of AI are reviewed on an ongoing basis as new analysis methods are applied to data.

Ulf Engel assesses the recent evolution of German security policy towards and engagement in Africa which should serve as a useful comparative model for Canada. Notably, in 2014 the German government adopted a comprehensive and networked approach through its Africa Policy Guidelines which is something completely lacking in Canada.

UN Secretary General Kofi Annan's call for highly mobile, rapidly deployable UN 'battle groups' reflects a growing requirement worldwide for what are termed 'third generation' peace-enforcement operations. First and second generation operations would typically describe the 'classical' UN peacekeeping mission mounted during the Cold War. Such operations dating between the 1940's and 1990's were normally deployed with UN Security Council approval and with the prior consent of the belligerent parties involved. The political maneuvering necessary to secure such consent allied with the typically large numbers of peacekeepers deployed during this period normally meant that it was usually several months, even years before peacekeepers arrived in the zone of conflict. The bitter experience of UN peacekeepers deployed to the Balkans in the 1990's led the UN to reassess the manner in which future operations would be configured and deployed. In particular, the mass murder of thousands of Muslim men and boys at Srebrenica in July 1995, despite the presence of Dutch peacekeepers, forced the UN to conclude that future military interventions would have to be more robustly configured and – crucially - allowed the adequate mandate and 'operational consistency' necessary to mount sustained, high-tempo combat operations. This assessment was confirmed in the UN commissioned Brahimi Report of 2000.

This policy brief looks at key Swedish foreign and security policy priorities in the Nordic, Europe and across the Atlantic, in a time of great instability and change. With the decision to apply for membership in NATO, Swedish security policy has undergone a complete reversal. At the same time, uncertainty remains regarding whether deeper engagement in the transatlantic, EU, and Nordic arenas can be unified into a single coherent Swedish foreign policy doctrine.

Robert L. Hutchings ; Mit dt. Zsfassung ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 4 Z 68.247-1985,13/17

This article operationalizes Japanese leadership in foreign and security policy, specifically the Abe administrations' consistent China balancing. It will do so to dispel instances of Premier-centered diplomacy and posit that Abe's diplomatic agenda has rested on a 'hybrid' policy-making authority, where the leverage enjoyed by the Prime Minister's office (the Kantei) rested on little-appreciated politicized personnel appointments and demotions within the bureaucratic apparatus, specifically the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Moreover, successful Japanese leadership has functioned especially when operating within the scope of the US strategic framework towards East Asia. While structural constraints, such as the ever-present influence of the USA and bureaucratic coordination, may constrain options, effective leadership in foreign policy-making can indeed make a difference within those boundaries.

Among the aims of this text is: firstly, to characterize how the libertarians think about security of the citizens' life and property in the case of aggression, or the possibility of aggression, from abroad. Secondly, to explore how they imagine the world-wide international order and a libertarian government's participation in it and finally to attempt an assessment of how effective the libertarian concepts proposed by the variously quoted authors could operate or be harnessed or implemented or even embraced in a governmental context. It should be possible through this article to compare and cross check whether or not the ideas focusing on foreign and security policy unite particular libertarians.

A Cimeira europeia de Dezembro 2013 deu à União Europeia um mandato para uma nova estratégia de segurança. As alterações climáticas têm desempenhado um papel cada vez mais importante nos debates sobre segurança europeia. A União tem sido uma das organizações a melhor identificar as alterações climáticas como um "multiplicador de ameaça" e a desenvolver todo um conjunto de iniciativas políticas, destinadas a relacionar fatores aliados às alterações climáticas com as políticas externas e de segurança. A UE tem pressionado para um ambicioso acordo internacional sobre clima até 2015 pelo que importa considerar a relação entre duas agendas: a da política externa e da segurança. O autor examina problemas resultantes da fragmentação de responsabilidades entre vários atores institucionais europeus aos quais falta um enfoque sobre questões climáticas. O artigo explora ainda a relação entre alterações climáticas e políticas de emigração da UE; a relação entre clima, segurança energética e política de defesa e a dimensão geoeconómica das respostas políticas da União. Conclui com uma reflexão sobre se o fenómeno das alterações climáticas terá um efeito positivo sobre a cooperação europeia, em particular no domínio da gestão de crises com origem climática ou se ao invés incentivará os Estados a uma postura de isolamento.

Information security program endeavors to ensure that the organization's information and its processing resources are available when authorized users need them. Universities which are vulnerable have formulated Information security policy, which among things address security concerns. Such institutions make use of Encryption System. Encrypting such files at least helps protect institutions with physical security policy, digital rights management systems which prevent unauthorized use.The study aimed at assessing the implementation level of information security policy in universities in Uganda and recommend on the areas where they are not being implemented. The population of study comprised 164 staff members from seven Universities. Findings showed on average most of the policies were being implemented like policy on Access control, policy on acceptable use of workstations in their Institutional and policy on acceptable use of wireless devices except policy on Bring Your Own Device to be used at the Institution and Data destruction policy among others which were partly implemented

In this article, we identify Brexit as a critical juncture, wherein the EU has had the opportunity to reflect on and reinforce its identity, as a promoter of gender issues within the security domain. It draws on this identity from a foundational myth of the EU as gender equality polity, resulting in the creation of a socio-legal order and sustained discourse on gender inclusivity in all policy areas. Existing scholarship has drawn attention to the EU's particular success in gender equality promotion in the areas of social inclusion at member state level, including in the UK. But, is the EU's reach comprehensive beyond this policy sphere? We examine the ways in which gender is manifested in the area of foreign policy, an area where the UK has consistently shown some leadership on the integration of gender perspectives in its foreign policy through its international development programmes and the implementation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda. It is therefore timely to consider what impact Brexit has on EU policies, practices and the promotion of gender equality in this policy domain. Using a critical feminist lens, this article looks at the evolution of gender equality as a dimension of EU foreign and security policy in the context of EU–UK relations, and the divergences, opportunities and constraints that are crystallised by the Brexit process.

The recent bombing of the Federal Building in Oklahoma has highlighted the complexity of the phenomenon of political extremism. Until this occurred, inside the United States foreign terrorists were the focus of attention, particularly the so-called Islamic fundamentalists. Undue emphasis on the "foreign connection" can make it appear that only Middle Eastern terror is of consequence. The Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) has long resisted this approach. We view terrorism as a universal phenomenon, one that can erupt anywhere. As part of our continuing investigation of this problem, SSI held a conference last November at Georgia Tech, at which a number of terrorist-related issues were considered. The emphasis was on international terror, but the threat of domestic extremism also was examined. Included in this volume are three papers presented at the conference two are related to international terror, while one is concerned with the domestic variety and a concluding chapter. In the first chapter, Dr. Kenneth Katzman, an analyst with the Congressional Research Service of the Library of Congress, uncovers important facts about Hizbollah, considered by many the most lethal of the Islamic fundamentalist groups. Based on his findings, Dr. Katzman ventures to predict what the group's likely future course of action will be. Dr. Lew Ware's contribution in the second chapter is equally important. A professor of Mid-East studies at the Air Command and Staff College, he has painstakingly, and with impressive scholarship, detailed the differences between Sunni and Shia ideas of jihad, a concept crucial to understanding a range of Middle Eastern fundamentalist organizations. Analysts who are less serious than Dr. Ware profess to see no difference between the Shias and Sunnis on this point. However, as Dr. Ware shows, a world of difference exists on this and other matters relating to the fundamentalists' modus operandi. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1236/thumbnail.jpg