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The conflict in Syria has started the largest refugee crisis since World War II. Syria is a country with around 22 million people, from this number with the start of the Syrian civil war, 200,000 people have been killed including 8000 children, 7.6 million are internally displaced people, 3.2 million are refugees and 12.2 million people are in need of humanitarian aid. These enormous numbers have had an impact not only on the neighboring countries of Syria like Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey but also the impact was enormous on the European Union countries and on the international community. The critical challenges and the areas of intervention from the international community and the EU are legal and physical protection, providing shelters, health, education and employment for the refugees. These are not the only obstacles of the refugee crisis there is the economic, political and social and the security pressures. For all these obstacles the solutions are, all the EU countries should work together to help the refugees with the creation of improved legal and institutional framework for asylum and migration, the EU must resolve the inadequacies of Dublin that regulates the entry of migrants and redefine the human rights implications and also reinforce the security policies in order to stop or prevent the emergence of nationalist or racist movements and terrorist attacks. Keywords: Refugee crisis, Syria conflict, EU, foreign and security policy.

We might expect that in such a small open economy as Ireland, the impact of global pressures on social policy would be relatively strong (McCoy, 2008). This paper tests such a thesis through a case study of Irish social security policy and argues that, over the period 1986–2006, Irish social security policy responded to global and domestic pressures in a particularly Irish fashion, qualitatively different to other liberal welfare regimes and to other small open European economies. In seeking to understand this puzzle the paper explores and analyses the social security policy institutions where social security policy is mediated. It outlines the Irish policy architecture – the political, institutional and ideational factors that shape the trajectory of Irish social security development. The paper identifies domestic constraints on globalisation and factors that influence the social construction of policy. It concludes by recommending changes in the policy process that might help lead to more equitable policy outcomes.

Differentiation is a frequent modus operandi in European foreign, security and defence policy. EU treaties have introduced legal frameworks for various types of formal differentiated integration in this policy area. However, they have rarely been used in the field of foreign policy and were only recently launched in the field of defence policy. On the other hand, empirical analyses show that EU member states have engaged in a range of informal practices of differentiation, such as regional groupings, contact and lead groups, and various defence initiatives. This article reviews the scholarly literature and recent empirical analyses of differentiation in EU foreign, security and defence policy. In doing so, it assesses their legitimacy and accountability, and calls for a more explicit focus on effectiveness. Drawing on case studies of differentiated cooperation with non-member states, the article argues that effectiveness depends on shared interests rather than on the level of institutionalisation of the partnership. In a second step, the paper focuses on EU foreign policy in the Western Balkans, the Middle East and the Eastern neighbourhood. It contends that differentiated cooperation has had largely positive outcomes when it has adhered to common EU values and positions. Conversely, when this has not been the case, differentiation has undermined EU foreign and security policy.

At head of title: 92d Congress, 2d session. Committee print. ; Mode of access: Internet.

In security and foreign policy discourse, environmental issues have been discussed increasingly as security threats that require immediate action. Yet, as the traditional security sector does not provide straightforward means to deal with climate change and other environmental issues, this has prompted concerns over undue securitisation and ill-placed extreme measures. We argue that an effective policy to address foreseeable environmental security threats can only be developed and maintained by ensuring that it remains resolutely within the domain of civil society. In this article, we consider the case of Finland, where the policy concept of comprehensive security has been presented as the official guideline for security and preparedness activities in different sectors. Comprehensive security aims to safeguard the vital functions of society through cooperation between authorities, business operators, organisations, and citizens. We analyse the opportunities and challenges of Finland's comprehensive security policy in addressing environmental changes through a three-level framework of local, geopolitical and structural security impacts. Our empirical evidence is based on a set of expert interviews (n = 40) that represent a wide range of fields relevant to unconventional security issues. We find that the Finnish comprehensive security model provides an example of a wide and inclusive perspective to security which would allow for taking into account environmental security concerns. However, due to major challenges in the implementation of the model, it does not fully incorporate the long-term, cross-sectoral, and cascading aspects of environmental threats. This weakens Finland's preparedness against climate change which currently poses some of the most urgent environmental security problems. ; Peer reviewed

Traditional views of security policy have focused almost exclusively on defence and military topics. The process of transition in eastern Europe makes it necessary to take a much broader approach in which, for example, areas such as economic and social policy, or world trade and monetary relations, are included.

Nowadays, energy security is a growing concern in the state foreign policy. The interdependency in the energy field is a very important dimension of the contemporary relations between states and transnational corporations. The Central Asia region is not only the undiscovered reservoir of oil and gas, but also the strategic "chessboard" with many internal and external players, where the new great game started after the Cold War. Kazakhstan, because of the geopolitical position in the center of Eurasia, and as one of the biggest producer of energy resources, is becoming significant in the international energy market. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, it became open to foreign investments. The growing energy needs have given the People's Republic of China (PRC) a strong interest in developing ties with energy-producing states in the Central Asia region to build necessary pipeline infrastructure [Kandiyoti 2008]. Kazakhstan is getting increasing importance in this context. Kazakhstan and all Central Asia region seems the most likely to play an important role in the Chinese strategy to reduce its dependence on energy supplies from the Middle East.

The paper focuses on the relationship between security policy and humanitarianism, two policy fields with different roles. In the case of violent domestic conflict they get inevitably very close where distance between them – at least from the humanitarian perspective - should be greatest. This is the argument based upon the model of complementarity characterizing the relationship between the state and non-state actors in the policy field of humanitarian aid. The core argument is that the politicization process which has characterized the developments in humanitarian affairs is incomplete. Thus far, security concerns seem to favor this process by subordination of humanitarianism. What is required is the "politicization from below", the societal actors, as a counterweight to the "politicization from above", the state actors. The goal is a rights-based approach to humanitarianism. Such a normative change in the international order is desirable both from a security policy perspective as well as from the humanitarian perspective. The structural conditions characterizing the policy field of humanitarian aid are not such as to favor such a development. ; Im Mittelpunkt der Analyse steht die Beziehung von Sicherheitspolitik und humanitärer Hilfe, zwei Politikfelder mit unterschiedlichen Aufgaben. Im Falle innerstaatlicher Gewalt nimmt die Nähe zwischen ihnen zu, wo sie – zumindest aus humanitärer Sicht - doch am größten sein sollte. Dieses Argument geht von der Komplementaritätsbeziehung aus, die das Verhältnis zwischen den staatlichen und gesellschaftlichen Akteuren im Politikfeld der humanitären Hilfe kennzeichnet. Das Kernargument ist, dass die "Politisierung von oben", die kennzeichnend für die Entwicklung der letzten Jahre im humanitären Bereich war, unvollständig ist. Bislang sieht es so aus, als würden sicherheitspolitische Erwägungen diesen Prozess der Unterordnung der humanitären Hilfe begünstigen. Notwendig ist die "Politisierung von unten", d.h., die gesellschaftlichen Akteure müssen zu dieser Tendenz von oben ein Gegengewicht bilden. Das Ziel ist ein sog. auf Recht basierender Ansatz im humanitären Bereich. Der entsprechende Wandel in der internationalen Ordnung ist sowohl aus der sicherheitspolitischen wie aus der humanitären Perspektive wünschenswert. Allerdings begünstigen die im Politikfeld der humanitären Hilfe vorherrschenden Strukturbedingungen diesen Prozess nicht.

This article operationalizes Japanese leadership in foreign and security policy, specifically the Abe administrations' consistent China balancing. It will do so to dispel instances of Premier-centered diplomacy and posit that Abe's diplomatic agenda has rested on a 'hybrid' policy-making authority, where the leverage enjoyed by the Prime Minister's office (the Kantei) rested on little-appreciated politicized personnel appointments and demotions within the bureaucratic apparatus, specifically the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Moreover, successful Japanese leadership has functioned especially when operating within the scope of the US strategic framework towards East Asia. While structural constraints, such as the ever-present influence of the USA and bureaucratic coordination, may constrain options, effective leadership in foreign policy-making can indeed make a difference within those boundaries.

In this article, we identify Brexit as a critical juncture, wherein the EU has had the opportunity to reflect on and reinforce its identity, as a promoter of gender issues within the security domain. It draws on this identity from a foundational myth of the EU as gender equality polity, resulting in the creation of a socio-legal order and sustained discourse on gender inclusivity in all policy areas. Existing scholarship has drawn attention to the EU's particular success in gender equality promotion in the areas of social inclusion at member state level, including in the UK. But, is the EU's reach comprehensive beyond this policy sphere? We examine the ways in which gender is manifested in the area of foreign policy, an area where the UK has consistently shown some leadership on the integration of gender perspectives in its foreign policy through its international development programmes and the implementation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda. It is therefore timely to consider what impact Brexit has on EU policies, practices and the promotion of gender equality in this policy domain. Using a critical feminist lens, this article looks at the evolution of gender equality as a dimension of EU foreign and security policy in the context of EU–UK relations, and the divergences, opportunities and constraints that are crystallised by the Brexit process.

In this article, the author carries out a comprehensive analysis of the security policy pursued by Ukraine towards the broadly understood West. While describing the Ukrainian security policy since the state gained independence, it draws attention to both the conceptual layer (strategic documents, political declarations) and the implementation layer (the actions actually taken). The considerations in the article contain historical and comparative issues concerning the nature of the Ukrainian security policy towards the West, including towards the European Union, NATO and the United States. The theory of neoclassical realism, which is still not very popular among researchers, was applied to analyze this issue. It has a great explanatory power, because it takes into account both external aspects inherent in the international system, as well as internal ones resulting from the situation in the state itself. The aim of this article was to search for answers to the following questions: why, how and under what factors did the position of the West change in Ukraine's security policy? As a result of the research, the hypothesis that the Ukrainian state is gradually approaching the West is confirmed, despite the inconsistency in its security policy and the West's uncertainty as to the deepening of cooperation with it. ; W niniejszym artykule autorka dokonuje wszechstronnej analizy prowadzonej przez Ukrainę wobec szeroko pojętego Zachodu polityki bezpieczeństwa. Charakteryzując ukraińską politykę bezpieczeństwa od momentu uzyskania przez państwo niepodległości, zwraca uwagę na warstwę zarówno koncepcyjną (dokumenty strategiczne, deklaracje polityczne), jak i realizacyjną (faktycznie podjęte działania). Rozważania w artykule zawierają w sobie zagadnienia historyczne i komparatystyczne dotyczące charakteru ukraińskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa prowadzonej wobec Zachodu, m.in. wobec Unii Europejskiej, NATO i Stanów Zjednoczonych. Do analizy niniejszej kwestii została wykorzystana jeszcze niezbyt ciesząca się popularnością wśród ...

In this article, we identify Brexit as a critical juncture, wherein the EU has had the opportunity to reflect on and reinforce its identity, as a promoter of gender issues within the security domain. It draws on this identity from a foundational myth of the EU as gender equality polity, resulting in the creation of a socio-legal order and sustained discourse on gender inclusivity in all policy areas. Existing scholarship has drawn attention to the EU's particular success in gender equality promotion in the areas of social inclusion at member state level, including in the UK. But, is the EU's reach comprehensive beyond this policy sphere? We examine the ways in which gender is manifested in the area of foreign policy, an area where the UK has consistently shown some leadership on the integration of gender perspectives in its foreign policy through its international development programmes and the implementation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda. It is therefore timely to consider what impact Brexit has on EU policies, practices and the promotion of gender equality in this policy domain. Using a critical feminist lens, this article looks at the evolution of gender equality as a dimension of EU foreign and security policy in the context of EU–UK relations, and the divergences, opportunities and constraints that are crystallised by the Brexit process.

The European Union (EU) is a decision-making, polycentric political community, with double-layer boundaries and constitutionally and procedurally plural decisions. Likewise, it may be assumed that the existence and the peculiar functioning of European-level policy-making governance, the increase in number of its structures, and its multilevel character may result in a new policy regime. The institutionalization-Europeanization level of the organizational field may become indispensable in determining which type of policy network and what styles of policy are established, or in influencing the degree of responsiveness and accountability, quality and intensity of interaction between the actors involved, the degree of territorial and functional consistency established in the Member States, and the decision-making skills of the EU itself. The aim of this work is to develop and evaluate basic assumptions, by means of an exploratory survey, focusing on the policy outcomes (as dependent variable) of the institutionalization-Europeanization of the common security policy (as independent variable).

El nuevo mandato del presidente Uribe se constituye enuna oportunidad para efectuar una revisiÛn del impacto quela adopciÛn y la implementaciÛn de la PolÌtica de Seguri-dad Democr·tica ha tenido en las din·micas y relacionesdel Estado con las organizaciones armadas ilegales.De acuerdo con un conjunto de tendencias que se han idoperfilando a lo largo del ?ltimo aÒo el autor analiza cÛmola implementaciÛn de esta PolÌtica ha afectado las relacio-nes entre el Estado Colombiano y los grupos armados ile-gales, teniendo en cuenta los nuevos retos y los cambiosnecesarios para su sostenibilidad a medio plazo. ; The new mandate of president Uribe has constituted an opportunity to carry out a revision ofthe impact that the adoption and the implementation of the Policy of Democratic Security hashad in the dynamics and relations of the State with the illegal armed organizations.According to a set of tendencies that have been outlined over the last year the author analyzeshow the implementation of this Policy has affected the relations between the Colombian stateand the illegal armed groups, considering the new challenges and the necessary changes forits sustainability in the mid term.

The new mandate of president Uribe has constituted an opportunity to carry out a revision of the impact that the adoption and the implementation of the Policy of Democratic Security has had in the dynamics and relations of the State with the illegal armed organizations. According to a set of tendencies that have been outlined over the last year the author analyzes how the implementation of this Policy has affected the relations between the Colombian state and the illegal armed groups, considering the new challenges and the necessary changes for its sustainability in the mid term. ; El nuevo mandato del presidente Uribe se constituye en una oportunidad para efectuar una revisión del impacto que la adopción y la implementación de la Política de Seguridad Democrática ha tenido en las dinámicas y relaciones del Estado con las organizaciones armadas ilegales. De acuerdo con un conjunto de tendencias que se han ido perfilando a lo largo del último año el autor analiza cómo la implementación de esta Política ha afectado las relaciones entre el Estado Colombiano y los grupos armados ilegales, teniendo en cuenta los nuevos retos y los cambios necesarios para su sostenibilidad a medio plazo