Suchergebnisse

AbstractSince 2012, Japan's Prime Minister Abe Shinzō has sought to remake the country's foreign and security policy. Abe's agenda, which is increasingly called an 'Abe Doctrine', has prompted considerable debate as to its true nature. Is the Abe Doctrine nationalist, revisionist, or realist? This article contributes to these debates by tracing the competing characterizations of an Abe Doctrine's policy ideas and assessing these against the doctrine's policy prescriptions. It argues that the Abe Doctrine–situated within the long-term evolution of Japanese policymaking – is chiefly realist rather than nationalist in its policy prescriptions. In fact, where the doctrine does constitute a major departure from past policy practice, largely unrecognized until now, is not so much in how it expands Japan's international role but in how it narrows this role. The underlying logic of the Abe Doctrine may therefore be pushing Japan towards a new form of regional realism.

Michael Mann documents the increasing substitution of war for diplomacy by US policy elites. In part, the substitution has come about because of ideological change but also because the "Military-Industrial-Congressional Complex" maintains a high level of military spending due to the fact that most congressional districts receive some form of military expenditure from bases to munitions production. General Wesley Clark considers foreign policy under the Bush administration. He argues that the military has a central role to play in support of US foreign policy goals especially in regards to protecting the world economy. He concludes that the Obama administration for political reasons must form national security policy from the center or he will be attacked from the right of the political spectrum. Thus, any strong change in policy will come about slowly.The accompanying audio files provide the complete recording of the two talks.

The world first confronted the power of nuclear weapons when the United States dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945. The global threat of these weapons deepened in the following decades as more advanced weapons, aggressive strategies, and new nuclear powers emerged. Ever since, countless books, reports, and articles - and even a new field of academic inquiry called "security studies" - have tried to explain the so-called nuclear revolution. Francis J. Gavin argues that scholarly and popular understanding of many key issues about nuclear weapons is incomplete at best and wrong at worst. Among these important, misunderstood issues are: how nuclear deterrence works; whether nuclear coercion is effective; how and why the United States chose its nuclear strategies; why countries develop their own nuclear weapons or choose not to do so; and, most fundamentally, whether nuclear weapons make the world safer or more dangerous. These and similar questions still matter because nuclear danger is returning as a genuine threat. Emerging technologies and shifting great-power rivalries seem to herald a new type of cold war just three decades after the end of the U.S.-Soviet conflict that was characterized by periodic prospects of global Armageddon.

Šajā darbā tiek aplūkota tieši imigrācijas ietekme uz mērķa valsts iekšējo drošību, proti – ar imigrācijas jautājumiem saistītie nemieri un to izcelšanās iemesli. Darba mērķis bija rast atbildi uz sekojošu izpētes jautājumu: vai valstīs, kur notiek vai ir notikuši ievērojami imigrantu grupu radīti grautiņi vai protesta akcijas, pastāv pārlieku dāsna sociālā politika attiecībā pret imigrantiem, kas neveicina viņu ekonomisko integrāciju? Pēc piecu valstu – Itālijas, Dānijas, Lielbritānijas, ASV un Austrālijas – gadījumu analīzes, iespējams secināt, ka imigrantu ekonomiskā integrācija var tikt saistīta ar imigrācijas radīto ietekmi uz valsts iekšējo drošību, jo ir viens no nemierus izraisošajiem faktoriem, taču valsts to neveicina ar pārāk dāsniem sociālajiem pabalstiem imigrantiem salīdzinājumā ar pamatiedzīvotājiem, lai gan sociālā politika varētu tikt veiksmīgāk izmantota ekonomiskās integrācijas veicināšanai. ; This thesis focuses on the effect of immigration on the internal security of the target country, namely, the riots associated with immigration issues and their origin. The aim of this thesis was to answer the following research question: "Is the social policy too generous towards immigrants leading to unsuccessful economic integration of immigrants in countries where riots concerned with immigration issues take place?". Taking into account the results of case studies of five countries - Italy, Denmark, United Kingdom, USA and Australia, it can be concluded that immigrant economic integration can be correlated with the threats posed by immigration on state's internal security as it is one of the factors fostering riots. However, the state does not promote the insufficient immigrant economic integration with generous social benefits and aid to immigrants in comparison to natives, even though social policy could be used more effectively to foster immigrant economic integration.

Allocating scarce resources to meet policy objectives incurs opportunity costs. A vital element of 'speaking truth to power' thus involves officials advising ministers on the opportunity costs of high-risk 'pet projects'. In democracies, the brevity of ministerial office can produce 'one-shot bias'—radical policy-making that deploys ministers' time-limited powers to the full, yet risks producing significant opportunity costs for public service organizations. Examples include the UK's recent social security, healthcare and European policies. Training in the economics of organization, development of new techniques for coping with uncertainty in opportunity-cost estimates, and stronger incentives for decision-makers to consider 'benefits foregone' by their actions could all provide greater protection against the downsides of one-shot bias.

Climate change has increasingly come to be viewed as a security threat, as well as a 'threat multiplier'. The impact of this has become a cause for major international concern, especially in light of national contributions to climate change, by virtue of heavy industrial dependence on polluting processes. To address this issue, certain national lobbies have suggested that the United Nations Security Council should be made legislate on the issue, given its bearing on international security. This approach has been supported by nations and blocs like the United States, the EU, the Pacific Islands, etc. An alternate lobby, comprising states like India, have argued against this approach due to the UNSC's fractured mandate, and expressed their wish to keep deliberations more representative. This paper shall evaluate the context of climate change, the legal principles underlying it, and argue in favor of the Indian stand that the UNSC is not the appropriate institution to make policy decisions on this matter.

We want to know if the awareness of users about the IT risks is an important factor in the security of organization's information systems. We will try to find the answer throughout this document. After reading articles and examples, we will establish the place of human in the Information Systems Security Policy or ISSP and give solutions to companies to make the user of IT tools actor and responsible of cyber-security and not the "blind spot" of it. ; Est-ce que la sensibilisation des utilisateurs d'une organisation aux risques informatiques est-elle un facteur important de la sécurité des systèmes d'information ? C'est à cette question que nous allons essayer de répondre tout au long de ce document. À travers de nombreux articles et exemples, nous parviendrons à établir la place de l'Homme dans la Politique de Sécurité des Systèmes d'Information ou PSSI et nous donnerons des solutions aux entreprises pour rendre l'utilisateur des outils informatiques acteur et responsable de la cyber-sécurité et non « l'angle mort » de celle-ci.

We want to know if the awareness of users about the IT risks is an important factor in the security of organization's information systems. We will try to find the answer throughout this document. After reading articles and examples, we will establish the place of human in the Information Systems Security Policy or ISSP and give solutions to companies to make the user of IT tools actor and responsible of cyber-security and not the "blind spot" of it. ; Est-ce que la sensibilisation des utilisateurs d'une organisation aux risques informatiques est-elle un facteur important de la sécurité des systèmes d'information ? C'est à cette question que nous allons essayer de répondre tout au long de ce document. À travers de nombreux articles et exemples, nous parviendrons à établir la place de l'Homme dans la Politique de Sécurité des Systèmes d'Information ou PSSI et nous donnerons des solutions aux entreprises pour rendre l'utilisateur des outils informatiques acteur et responsable de la cyber-sécurité et non « l'angle mort » de celle-ci.

Against a backdrop of acute global terrorist actions and international counter-terrorist initiatives, and newly marked involvement of UK universities in counter-terrorism with the Counter-Terrorism and Security Act 2015, this article reviews a wide multidisciplinary literature to provide a structural analysis of terrorism and counter-terrorism policy and research in UK universities over a 20-year timeframe (1997–2017), identifying three phases in terrorism and counter-terrorism legislative and related policy contexts: temporary; permanent and normative permanence. These three periods correlate with a vast expansion of academic terrorism research which is multidisciplinary, rapidly diversifying and expanding in direct correlation to the intensification of terroristic action. Mindful of a complex context of intensified global terrorism, the article identifies shifting patterns in the aims and manifest impacts of terrorism and counter-terrorism policy and research in UK universities. This article concludes by proposing a working analytic-structural framework for framing the disciplinary-epistemological, institutional and operational impacts on UK higher education of terrorism and counter-terrorism policy and research, including a critical and little explored relationship between universities and security and intelligence agencies.