Realism has been the dominant conceptual approach to studying Indonesian foreign policy. This article, however, considers realist analyses to be insucient since their emphasis on the struggle for power and security in the system of states has led to the neglect of the importance of perspectives which focus on order. To ll the gap it then intends to apply the English School perspective which focuses on the concept of international society to trace the nature and function of Indonesian foreign policy. Two cases are examined, including the Asian African Conference and Association of South East Asian Nations, to demonstrate the relevance of international society for policy ideas and action. The central argument is that the Indonesian elite worldview indicates that the creation and maintenance of order in international societies are ones which are prominent objectives legitimizing the conduct of Indonesia's external relations.
Protecting plant genetic resources is crucial because they are a key element in supporting food security for Indonesia's growing population. An important element in the protection of plant genetic resources is the disclosure of origin of genetic resources. In line with international standards and commitments, Indonesia has enacted a Patents Act that seeks to protect its plant genetic resources by requiring disclosure of origin. However it is one thing to enact legislation and quite a different thing to effectively implement the legislation to achieve its aims. This paper critically analyses the Indonesian Patent Act and highlights some key issues that undermine the effectiveness of the Act. The paper identifies the problems of implementing provisions of the Act at the normative and practical levels. At the normative, the Act lacks clarity with concepts undefined. This is compounded at the practical level by a lack of a regulatory framework and inadequate human resources. The paper suggests that given the importance of disclosure of origin in protecting plant genetic resources for Indonesia's food security, developing further legislative and institutional framework on disclosure of origin is an essential strategic solution for the country.
Currently there are no indicators that can measure the effectiveness of the role of ASEAN in Southeast Asia, especially those related to human security issues in the safety of labor and migrants' mobilization. However, ASEAN still working through any possibilities of cooperation to prevent any threats that would endanger the personal securities of ASEAN community. This paper will further analyze the human security issues in Southeast Asia starting with conceptualizing, identifying, and engaging to find how is the effectivity of ASEAN in charge of prevent human security issues from sociology of law perspective with normative-juridical methodology combined with perspective of international relation approach. Based on the findings in conceptual and data, this research will show the problems that have been handled and have not been done by ASEAN institutionally. In addition to showing the relevance of the establishment of ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC) 2015 as an affirmation for all ASEAN member countries to respond to institutional human security issues especially in the mobilization of labor and migrants.
Food security become very important as food crisis occurred in 2008. Under the administration of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in 2009 to 2014, the crisis due to increase in population in Indonesia encourages increase in food demand. However, to fulfill Indonesia's food demand it still depends on the availability from international market. This research aims to analyze why countries like Indonesia dependent on international markets for food security aspect despite having the capability to achieve fulfillment on food. To analyze the reasons, the concepts of comparative advantage, dependency, and national capabilities will be use to analyze the factors on why nations depend on international market to achieve its food security. Accompanied by a comparison between Indonesia with Vietnam, Malaysia, and United States to see the similarities and differences to achieved food security in the international market. With qualitative research methods and comparison focus on explanative research also using literature studies in data collection. The results of this study finds that Indonesia dependence are influenced by comparative advantage policy of other countries which in this case are Vietnam and Malaysia, the international market system that encourages dependency, and Indonesia inability to maximizing its national capability compared to United States. Keywords: dependency, comparative advantage, national capabilities, Indonesia, food security.
The occupation of the city of Marawi in the southern Philippines and a series of terrorist attacks in Indonesia which followed it demonstrate that terrorism is a persistent and enduring threat to Southeast Asian security, despite the governments' concerted efforts on countering terrorism since 9/11 and the Bali Bombings in 2002 and 2005. Security specialists and defence officials in the region believe that ASEAN has to intensify its cooperation to address the challenge of terrorism through the use of military forces. This article, however, claims that the militarised counterterrorism has no institutional, normative and practical basis within ASEAN's main security structure, the APSC. This is followed by dual implications for the broader security agendas, affecting democratisation and sharpening mistrust among ASEAN states which challenges ASEAN centrality in regional security affairs.
Indonesia's geographical conditions that sourrounded by ocean should be considered as an added value for maritime diplomacy for the sake of the development of Indonesia. Therefore, in terms of geoculture, Maritime Diplomacy should be taken into account as one of the main pillars to build maritime security in Indonesia including the use of maritime diplomacy in response to security threats, so that the defense capabilities will be gradually improved. This article will examine the importance of organizing Indonesia's maritime sector regarding the vision of the Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) in order to see the strengths and weaknesses of Indonesian Navy's capabilities as an instrument of Indonesia's Maritime diplomacy to support the development of maritime security. This article also argued that the most important in Indonesia's Maritime Diplomacy is that Indonesia is capable to guarantee maritime security for all stakeholders regionally and globally. Indonesia needs to improve management and expand promotion for all trading ports available, namely Jakarta and Surabaya as well as other ports as a hub of global maritime prospects. By enhancing maritime safety and security, various international cooperation will be maintained and pro table for Indonesia.
The global war on terror has raised debates between liberals and realists on the position of ethics in intelligence operations. On the one hand, liberal ethicists insist that the conduct of intelligence gathering to counter terrorism must not violate the security rights of citizens. On the other hand, proponents of realism consider national security to be of greater importance than ethical principles governing individual freedom. This article tries to present an alternative point of view by examining the consequence of ethical criticisms of intelligence activities on the Indonesian government's counterterrorism measures. It proposes two approaches to understanding the connection between ethics and intelligence: examining the nature of the terror threat, and looking at the sociopolitical situations which affect the role of the state's security agencies. Arguably, securitizing intelligence by enforcing an ethical reconceptualization of intelligence roles increases the challenges facing Indonesia's intelligence operatives and damages the effectiveness of the government's counterterrorism policy.
The background of this article is the existence of a global pandemic COVID-19 which has an impact in various fields. This article seeks to explore the impact of the COVID-19 global pandemic on information and communications technology (ICT) in the form of digital diplomacy. Exploration is carried out by investigating the case of Indonesian diplomacy at the United Nations (UN) in March, April, and May 2020. The main concept in this article is digital diplomacy. This concept illustrates the use of ICT as a means of diplomacy for state actors and changes at the policy and institutional levels. This article found various digital diplomacy activities from the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Indonesia to the United Nations in New York, United States during the global pandemic COVID-19. These activities include: 1) coordination with Indonesia's Embassy and Consulate General in the United States to protect Indonesian citizens; 2) participation in UN Security Council virtual meeting to discuss international peace and security issues; and 3) participation in other UN bodies virtual meetings to discuss international development issues. This article argues that the impact of the COVID-19 global pandemic in the field of ICT is reflected in Indonesia's digital diplomacy at the United Nations. The global pandemic COVID-19 changed the means and tools used by Indonesian diplomats to gather information, negotiations, and responses on international issues. Even so, Indonesian diplomacy at the UN continues to run optimally.
The existence of foreign organizations is a consequence of international relations, resulting in interaction between mass organizations in other countries and countries. In line with this, the existence of foreign organizations is regulated by Government Regulation No. 58 of 2016 and Government Regulation No. 59 of 2016. However, there are still people who are concerned about the existence of foreign organizations, which are considered to threaten the values of national unity. Therefore, this study will look at the description of the existence of foreign organizations, namely the flow of foreign organizations into NTB Province, whether their existence is known by the local government; implementation of the role of the community and local government in supervising foreign organizations; and the importance of supervising foreign organizations in order to maintain national security. The method used is descriptive narrative with a qualitative approach. Data collection techniques used library/documentation techniques and interviews with representatives from Bakesbangpoldagri, the Health Office and the Social Service of West Nusa Tenggara Province. The results of the study indicate that Bakesbangpoldagri of West Nusa Tenggara Province does not have accurate data on the existence of foreign organizations; the implementation of the role of the community and local government in supervising foreign organizations has not been realized maximally; and that the supervision of foreign organizations in order to maintain national security is important to be carried out, because the existence of foreign organizations can strengthen and weaken regional resilience, which will affect national security. ; Keberadaan ormas asing merupakan konsekuensi dari pergaulan internasional, sehingga terjadi interaksi antara ormas di suatu negara dan negara lain. Sejalan dengan hal tersebut, keberadaan ormas asing diatur dengan PP No 58 Tahun 2016 dan PP No.59 Tahun 2016. Namun demikian, masih ada masyarakat yang khawatir dengan keberadaan ormas ...
This paper looks at how Indonesia contributes to the creation of a relatively peaceful and stable Southeast Asian region after the Cold War. It examines Jakarta's diplomacy in the South China Sea, and explains its implications for the making of the regional order. The argument is that Indonesia's impact on regional security has been apparent in its attention to the improvement of rule-based interaction among states in the region. However, recent developments have demonstrated that Indonesia's initiatives, formulated in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept, are unsuccessful due to the lack of support from other ASEAN states. This paper shows that great powers politics in the troubled waters has hindered the advancement of Indonesian's orderdriven policy.
Interaction in the international system creates cooperation between countries and can also create conflicts when interests between countries clash. There are two approaches used in resolving conflict; associative where countries seek to cooperate with each other; and disassociative involving military force and political separation (Barash & Webel, 2009: 288). One of Indonesia's associative efforts in maintaining its diplomatic relations with Australia is by using ASEAN to form the AANZFTA (ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand Free Trade Area). Apart from geographical proximity, the socio-economic development opportunities for all parties, this cooperation is also a geopolitical strategy for Australian security and provides political legitimacy for ASEAN in the international world. Using a case study method that focuses on the dynamics of the relationship between ASEAN, Australia, and New Zealand, mainly through the AANZFTA, this paper will explain ASEAN, Australia, and New Zealand's reasons and interests as well as strengths and weaknesses in them. Through discussion and analysis results, it can be concluded that international cooperation was formed to build negative peace after the World War. Then over time, non-traditional issues increasingly encourage international cooperation to develop positive peace with moral values and peaceful dispute resolution without violence. Although the impact is the domination of big countries and sacrificing small and developing countries' sovereignty, each country will always prioritize its own interests. This study's results can provide an overview of the diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Australia multilaterally through AANZFTA. At the same time, the bilateral relationship between the two can be reviewed in further research
Currently, ASEAN has come to the new phase of cooperation on political security, economic, and socio-cultural by the establishment of ASEAN Charter in 2008. The cooperation has been deepened, widened, and enlarged. Accordingly, the AEC is the most significant cooperations, namely the economic integration of ASEAN which not mere free trade area but to make the region as a production basefor all products of ASEAN as well as to accomplish the region as a single market by applying scorecard system of AEC's blueprint that should be preserved by all ASEAN state members. Theformation of AEC in 2015 totally depends to the commitments of the member states of ASEAN to apply those agreed trade agreements, roadmaps, and plan of actions including AEC's blueprint.
This study aims to determine the background of Indonesia and Ethiopia conducting trade cooperation which has implications on diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Ethiopia. This study used a qualitative approach, which uses secondary and primary data, where the method of analysis is descriptive analysis. This study uses an analytical framework based on the concept: international trade, national interests and economic diplomacy, and international political economy.The results of this study indicate that the relationship between the political economy of Indonesia and Ethiopia is very closely where this is done through an economic diplomacy. The Economic Diplomacy of Indonesia and Ethiopia is very influential on the development of trade between Indonesia and Ethiopia. In fact, Politics between Indonesia and Ethiopia are only as a political representative, because the driving force of politics between Indonesia and Ethiopia is the economic diplomacy. The motor is the one who makes us move and makes the relationship between Indonesia and Ethiopia are dynamic and increasingly tight.Through economic diplomacy Indonesia and Ethiopia endeavor to establish and improve the bilateral relations that already exist more clearly, planned, systematic and focused to stabilize the diplomatic relations between the two countries and enhancing cooperation in the conducive situation that will produce the pattern and structure of regional security that is based on the economic motives together.
Global Governance encompasses the world's political activities and the management of issues and phenomena that occurred on a nation-state, involving contributions from regional to the international environment. In the global security sector, there are numerous efforts carried out by a country to counter such external threats that can cause destabilization. Non-proliferation and nuclear developments for peace are such issues of the global defense-security concern. The attempts to control and ensure the use of nuclear has been carried out by enacting international law, resolutions, and multilateral agreements. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) is one kind. Influencing the world's security, politics, and economy, JCPOA began to be disrupted since the U.S. withdrawal as one of the parties that initially signed the agreement. This research aims to analyze The Collapse of Global Governance: When the U.S. Leaves the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). This research used a qualitative method with analysis based on secondary data, validated by the triangulation technique in this qualitative study. The analytical procedure uses secondary data from journals, media, and literature related to the Iran nuclear agreement and previous analyses discussing the U.S. exit from the JCPOA agreement. The analysis technique performs by arranging the data sequence, organizing the data into a pattern, category, and basic description. This research has found that Global Governance has fundamental weaknesses in its application. Through an analysis of the U.S. exit from the Iran nuclear agreement, it can be said that the reins of control are in the hands of the U.S. The Trump administration's policy on behalf of the U.S. to leave JCPOA to thwart the achievement of Global Governance and significantly affects the multi-national economic, political, and security order. The implementation of Global Governance and the issues also raised based on the interests of the superpowers. ; Global governance meliputi kegiatan politik dunia dan pengelolaan isu dan fenomena yang terjadi pada suatu negara kebangsaan, yang melibatkan kontribusi dari lingkungan regional hingga internasional. Di bidang keamanan global, banyak upaya yang dilakukan oleh suatu negara untuk melawan ancaman eksternal yang dapat menyebabkan destabilisasi. Non-proliferasi dan perkembangan nuklir untuk perdamaian adalah isu-isu yang menjadi perhatian pertahanan-keamanan global. Upaya pengendalian dan penjaminan penggunaan nuklir dilakukan melalui penetapan hukum internasional, resolusi, dan kesepakatan multilateral. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) adalah salah satunya. Mempengaruhi keamanan, politik, dan ekonomi dunia, keberadaan JCPOA mulai terganggu sejak mundurnya Amerika Serikat (AS) sebagai salah satu pihak yang awalnya menandatangani perjanjian. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis Runtuhnya Global Governance: Saat Keluarnya AS dari Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan analisis berdasarkan data sekunder, divalidasi dengan teknik triangulasi dalam penelitian kualitatif ini. Prosedur analitis menggunakan data sekunder yang diambil dari jurnal, media, dan literatur terkait perjanjian nuklir Iran dan analisis sebelumnya yang membahas keluarnya AS dari perjanjian JCPOA. Teknik analisis dilakukan dengan menyusun urutan data, mengorganisasikan data ke dalam suatu pola, kategori, dan deskripsi dasar. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa global governance memiliki kelemahan mendasar dalam penerapannya. Melalui analisis keluarnya AS dari perjanjian nuklir Iran, dapat dikatakan bahwa kendali kendali berada di tangan AS. Kebijakan pemerintahan Trump mengatasnamakan AS keluar dari JCPOA untuk menggagalkan pencapaian global governance dan secara signifikan mempengaruhi tatanan ekonomi, politik, dan keamanan multi-nasional. Implementasi global governance dan permasalahannya juga diangkat berdasarkan kepentingan negara adidaya.
The issues of Papua (Both Papua and West Papua Provinces) have been reached by international communities even though the government regulation; Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 21, Year 2001, concerning Special Autonomy for Papua Province becoming a central issue as a problem solving to make a special treat for people in Papua internally. Whereas, the regulation is expected to make people in Papua develop political, economic, and cultural also resolving the insurgency problems among them. The arrangements of social and political, economy and budget are as a special treatment, only develop economy and infrastructure but it does not solve the conflicts until today. In this case, the Counterinsurgency (COIN) strategic model needs to be implemented following the appropriateness of national policy and the condition in Papua. This research used a content analysis method to reveal the causes of an un-optimal policy in solving the insurgency. Based on the four elements of COIN, only two elements exist; community and state elements. While the international community element and private sectors do not appear on the special autonomy legislation for Papua. As a reason, the COIN model appropriates with the condition of the people that include some elements; government, local community, the non-state, international community, and private sectors. Comparing to the United States of America (USA) model where the community is not included in the COIN element since the community as an object. On the other hand, it is different from China where military and political parties as important elements since the government decisions are supported by military force to solve the insurgency problem. This research found that civil and military cooperation in the model of COIN Papua after special autonomy is reflected by the existence of Local Government Leaders Communication Forum of Papua to face all situations that happened in Papua, both in security and emergency. Active coordination among governors, local legislators, Adat communities (customary), police, and army for COIN strategy needs special coordination to global communities openly that affect opinions on the people and private sector interests in Papua. ; Persoalan Papua (Provinsi Papua dan Papua Barat) telah mengundang komunitas internasional, namun kebijakan Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 21 Tahun 2001 Tentang Otonomi Khusus Bagi Provinsi Papua menjadi isu sentral dalam penyelesaian Papua hanya memberi perlakuan khusus terhadap internal masyarakat Papua. Padahal, melalui Undang-undang ini diharapkan dapat memberikan kesempatan kepada masyarakat Papua agar lebih cepat berkembang, baik politik, ekonomi, maupun budaya, disamping itu masalah gerakan insurgency (pemberontakan) juga dapat dituntaskan. Kenyataannya, penataan sosial politik, ekonomi dan anggaran yang bersifat khusus telah diberikan namun hanya mengembangkan perekonomian dan infrastruktur tetapi gerakan untuk memisahkan diri belum berakhir sampai saat ini. Untuk itu perlu suatu model strategi counterinsurgency (COIN) yang tetap sesuai dengan kebijakan nasional dan kondisi masyarakar Papua. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode content analysis untuk mengungkap penyebab kebijakan yang tidak optimal dalam menyelesaikan counterinsurgency. Berdasarkan empat elemen dasar dalam COIN hanya ada dua elemen yang ada, yaitu elemen masyarakat dan negara, sementara elemen komunitas internasional dan sektor privat tidak ditemukan dalam Undang-Undang Otonomi Khusus Papua. Sehingga, model COIN yang sesuai dengan kondisi masyarakat Papua harus memiliki unsur pemerintah, masyarakat lokal, non-state, komunitas internasional, dan sektor privat. Kalau dibandingkan dengan model United States of America (USA) yang memposisikan masyarakat tidak masuk dalam unsur COIN karena masyarakat diletakkan sebagai objek yang menentukan. Beda lagi kalau dibandingkan dengan strategi Cina yang menempatakan militer dan partai politik sebagai elemen penting karena keputusan pemerintah didukung oleh kekuatan militer untuk mengatasi masalah insurgency. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa kombinasi sipil dan militer dalam model kebijakan COIN Papua Pasca-Otonomi Daerah tercermin dengan adanya Forum Komunikasi Pemimpin Daerah (Forkompimda) Papua dalam menghadapi situasi, baik kondisi aman maupun kondisi darurat. Koordinasikan aktif antara gubernur, legislatif daerah, masyarakat adat, kepolisian, dan militer. Strategi COIN di masa mendatang perlu jalur koordinasi khusus dengan komunitas global secara terbuka yang mempengaruhi opini tentang masyarakat Papua dan kepentingan sektor privat yang cukup kuat di Papua.
