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Abstract
After two decades of effort to embed Women, Peace, and Security (WPS), why and how did the agenda fail to transform patriarchal gendered structures and prevent the regression of women's rights and security in Afghanistan? To address this question, the paper investigates how the WPS agenda was conceptualized and operationalized in Afghanistan. We apply Kandiyoti's concept of patriarchal bargains to analyze multi-level power dynamics across four peace and conflict phases between 2001 and 2022, drawing from primary and secondary sources, including interviews with women leaders and key experts. While 20 years of engagement could not be expected to transform the country's conservative gender order, we argue that WPS efforts lacked a grounded understanding of the gendered constraints in a conflict transition as well as a political strategy for achieving its goals. While the case of Afghanistan is unique, it is nonetheless highly relevant to other settings making significant investments in WPS. For advancing WPS, the paper suggests that the international normative framework must be connected to local voices that understand the context-specific, patriarchal power dynamics and how to bargain with them to achieve outcomes and gains for women's security and rights.

The CGIAR Research Program on Climate Change Agriculture and Food Security (CCAFS), South Asia together with the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI, New Delhi) organised a one day workshop on 1 April 2014, in New Delhi, titled: 'National Crop Insurance Program (NCIP): Challenges and Opportunities'. The NCIP is to be implemented during the XII Plan and strives to merge existing agricultural insurance schemes in order to serve farmers better. While it provides several new opportunities and addresses earlier constraints, its operation may pose new challenges to government bodies, farmers and the insurance industry. In order to review various aspects of this programme, and from the perspective of different stakeholders, the workshop brought together state and national-level government officials, researchers, and industry representatives to deliberate and discuss key points and recommend suggestions. In all, 36 participants attended the workshop.

This article aims to investigate the character of transatlantic security relations in Africa: How can it be characterized? Have they become weaker or stronger over the past decade? How can this development be explained? As NATO has not yet been heavily engaged on the African continent, it is prudent to study the relations between the EU and the US. Africa has been of concern to the EU (and its member states) for decades due to its geographical closeness and historic bonds. Since 2001, for both Europe and the US, Africa has become a region of increasing security concern due to the threat of international terrorism—for Europe, we can also add the migration concern. The European side of this relationship has also been largely dominated by France, making the transatlantic security cooperation in Africa essentially about French-American relations. As France has taken the lead regarding Europe's security and defense engagement in Africa, increasingly with the support of other EU member states and associated non-members, this bilateral relationship is more than simply cooperation between two states. By applying a framework that understands EU security and defense policy as a process increasingly characterized as a differentiated and flexible integration under French leadership, the development of the Franco-US security relations in Africa must be understood as an expression of the transatlantic security relations in this region.

This edited book addresses the issues of gun trafficking and gun violence across different regions of the world, including the Americas, Africa, Asia, Europe and Oceania. It seeks to identify global key trends on gun trafficking and related violence and discuss different enforcement measures. Each chapter is written by teams of distinguished academics and/or experienced practitioners to include practitioner insights and policy proposals on issues related to gun violence and gun trafficking. Chapters offer an overview of violence and recent gun control debates in the regions, enumerate challenges, provide lessons learnt, and recommend policy solutions. An overview of the global small arms trade is provided at the beginning alongside a comparative analysis of common challenges and significant differences across the regions. This book speaks to those in Criminology, International Relations, Public Policy, International Security, Public health and Law, and to civil society organizations, think tanks, research centers, policy analysts and policy makers involved in gun control debates. David Perez Esparza holds a masters in Conflict Resolution from the University of Essex, UK, a masters in Security Science from the University College London (UCL), UK, and a masters in Public Policy from EGAP, Mexico. With experience as Consultant to the IADB, the UK government, the EU, the UK-RUSI and numerous police agencies, David also holds a PhD in Crime Science from the Faculty of Engineering, UCL, and has co-authored five books on crime and data-driven security. Carlos A. Perez Ricart is Assistant Professor in International Relations at the Center for Research and Teaching in Economics (CIDE) in Mexico City. Prior to joining CIDE, he was Postdoctoral Fellow at the University of Oxford, UK, where he worked at both the History Faculty and the Latin American Centre, St. Antonys College. He holds a PhD in Political Science from the Freie Universitat Berlin. Eugenio Weigend Vargas is Associate Director for Gun Violence Prevention at the Center for American Progress. His research has focused on preventing arms trafficking and gun violence in the USA and Mexico. He holds a masters degree from Brown University, USA, and a PhD in Public Policy from Instituto Tecnologico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey, Mexico.

The United Nations Secretary-General's third party role is stated generally in the organization's charter. This basis has been exploited to the extent possible, and sometimes beyond that, by the successive incumbents of this office, whose different styles of operation are briefly described. The Secretary-General does not command economic or physical power, but has to rely on the moral status emanating from the principles of the charter, and on reputed impartiality. Political support from member governments is also important, but he cannot court the favours of any particular geographical or ideological grouping. He cannot operate against the express wish of the Security Council, but the Council depends on the services he can offer as chief executive. The personal skills of the Secretary-General and his staff are crucial to their function. The central position of the UN headquarters in the international diplomatic network is also an important asset. The Secretary-General has the right to place any dispute on the provisional agenda of the Security Council. However, he works mostly behind the scenes if the members of the council are unwilling to discuss a dispute. Most of his time is spent on good offices missions and mediation, sometimes at the request of deliberative organs of the UN, but also frequently on his own initiative. His function may be frustrated, replaced or supplemented by mediation efforts by the major powers. UN peace-keeping missions are often closely linked to mediation (peace-making). The recent improvement in relations between the permanent members of the Security Council has strengthened the role of the Secretary-General as the world's most reputable intermediary.

2020 ist die Covid-19-Pandemie weltweit zu einem maßgeblichen Faktor internationaler Politik geworden. Ihre wirtschaftlichen, politischen und gesellschaftlichen Auswirkungen verstärken bestehende Trends und haben überdies systemverändernde Qualität. Die Dauer der Pandemie und die Fortschritte bei ihrer Bekämpfung sind schwer zu prognostizieren. Darum werden in dieser Studie Szenarien und Handlungsoptionen entworfen, die Entwicklungen der internationalen Ordnung, der Klima- und Nachhaltigkeitspolitik, der Impfstoffverteilung oder Pfade für migrationspolitische Zusammenarbeit betreffen. So schicksalhaft die Pandemie auch in das Leben und die Politik eingegriffen hat, so unabweisbar ist die Notwendigkeit, die Folgen auf nationaler, europäischer und globaler Ebene politisch zu gestalten. Hier bietet der anstehende Wechsel im Weißen Haus eine Gelegenheit für effektive inter­nationale Kooperation und abgestimmtes multilaterales Vorgehen. Noch hat die Pandemie der EU keinen effektiven Anstoß für größere Handlungsfähigkeit in der Gemeinsamen Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik gegeben, wohl aber einen wichtigen politischen Impuls für den EU Next Generation Fund und dessen Programmierung auf die Großprojekte Green Deal und Digitalisierung. Die Weltwirtschaft ist in die tiefste Rezession seit den 1930er Jahren gestürzt, die Abstände zwischen armen und reichen Staaten dürften grö­ßer werden. Die Pandemie verstärkt Tendenzen zu Regionalisierung und Relokalisierung von Liefer- und Wertschöpfungsketten. Konzepte für die Stärkung der Resilienz kritischer Wirtschaftssektoren erhalten mehr Auf­merksamkeit, bergen aber die Gefahr von wachsendem Protektionismus. Die Pandemie hat nicht zu einem Lockdown der Gewalt in Krisenzonen geführt. Während das Engagement für ziviles und militärisches Krisenmanagement nachließ, setzten Groß- und Regionalmächte ihre Rivali­täten um Status, Einfluss und Hegemonie fort. Deutschland und Europa stehen 2021 vor vielerlei Herausforderungen: Sie müssen einen Durchbruch bei der globalen Eindämmung der Pan­demie erzielen, die Wirtschaft im EU-Raum wieder ankurbeln, den Großprojekten Green Deal und Digitalisierung Zugkraft verleihen, die multi­laterale Kooperation revitalisieren, den Weg zur strategischen Autonomie Europas fortsetzen, dies mit einem Neustart der transatlantischen Beziehungen verbinden und fragile Länder des Südens stabilisieren. Ziel­konflikte sind dabei unvermeidlich. (Autorenreferat)

Frieden ist nie selbstverständlich, er muss immer wieder gestiftet werden. So heisst es schon bei Immanuel Kant. Die internationalen Beziehungen der letzten beiden Jahrhunderte veranschaulichen dies besonders eindrücklich.Jost Dülffer forscht seit Jahrzehnten zur internationalen Friedenspolitik. Die hier versammelten Studien umreissen exemplarisch die Bemühungen um Frieden in unterschiedlichen Spannungsverhältnissen. Dazu gehören Machtpolitik und Völkerrecht, Menschenrechte und Friedensbewegungen, transnationale Organisationen und Vereinte Nationen, Friedensschlüsse und Umwelt. Darüber hinaus geht es um den wechselnden historiographischen Umgang in markanten Fallstudien. Dieser Band bündelt bislang teils unveröffentlichte Beiträge des bekannten Kölner Historikers aus den letzten 20 Jahren.