Suchergebnisse

A disszertáció célja annak körüljárása, hogy miként jellemezhető a társadalombiztosítási rendszeren keresztül támogatott gyógyászati segédeszközök hozzáférhetősége Magyarországon, a felhasználók választási szabadsága szempontjából. A feltáró elemzés elméleti kerete az Amartya Sen nevéhez kötődő képességszemlélet (Capability Approach), a jóllét és a fejlődés normatív elmélete, ami a fejlődést az emberek képességeinek és arra való tényleges lehetőségeinek – szabadságainak – bővülésében látja, hogy olyan életet éljenek, amilyet okkal tartanak értékesnek. A segédeszköz elosztást amentén vizsgáltam, hogy az mennyiben személyre szabott, és mennyiben bővíti a felhasználók tényleges lehetőségeit a számukra értékesnek tartott, jó életre: a segédeszközhöz jutás folyamatában mennyiben jelennek meg az érintettek véleményei, értékei, hangja, a "semmit rólunk nélkülünk" elv, milyen garanciákat vállal a jogalkotó és a folyamatban résztvevő többi szereplő annak érdekében, hogy az érintettek tudatában legyenek a valódi választási lehetőségeiknek. A kutatás során – szociálpolitikai alapelveken, nemzetközi tapasztalatokon, három európai tanulmányúton és a képességszemléleten alapulva – elemzési indikátorrendszer készült. A szakirodalom áttekintésén és a jogszabályelemzésen túl, a támogatórendszer gyakorlati működését szakértői és érintetti interjúk (n=52) segítettek feltárni. Magyarországon nincs nemzeti stratégia vagy program, ami bizonyos mértékben biztosítéka volna a támogató technológia hozzáférhetőségének. Több mint ötven jogszabály érinti a gyógyászati segédeszközöket, ezek ugyanakkor kevésbé védik a felhasználókat. A jogalkotó elsődleges célja, hogy megelőzze a túlköltekezést. A gyógyászati segédeszközök mellől elmaradnak a kapcsolódó szolgáltatások, ami nem csak az egyén szintjén teremt problémát, és eredményezi sok esetben az eszközök kihasználatlanságát, hanem csökkenti a gazdaságilag racionális működés valószínűségét is. A támogatott gyógyászati segédeszközök rendszerének jelenlegi működésében az akadályozottság ...

One of the most important diplomatic debates of the 1990s evolved around the eastern enlargement of the NATO. In the early years of the foreign policy of the Middle-Eastern countries by now free from soviet influence one major issue was to adapt themselves to the post-cold war world order. All of the countries involved – the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary in the first round – soon realized that their only option was to get integrated into the western organizations, to NATO in particular. The leading politicians of this organization had their doubts about these countries' capability to adapt to the already developed system of the organization. This is mainly illustrated by the fact that until the middle of the decade there was a lack of real commitment to the enlargement of the alliance. The PfP document of January 1994 may be regarded as a breakthrough. The diplomacy of Moscow became more and more dismissive as to the idea of the eastern enlargement of the NATO. Within a few months an attitude that regarded Russia joining the NATO as a possible perspective gave way to the total rejection of the enlargement. This study aims at exploring the determining points of this debate mainly in the light of the most important documents. ; One of the most important diplomatic debates of the 1990s evolved around the eastern enlargement of the NATO. In the early years of the foreign policy of the Middle-Eastern countries by now free from soviet influence one major issue was to adapt themselves to the post-cold war world order. All of the countries involved – the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary in the first round – soon realized that their only option was to get integrated into the western organizations, to NATO in particular. The leading politicians of this organization had their doubts about these countries' capability to adapt to the already developed system of the organization. This is mainly illustrated by the fact that until the middle of the decade there was a lack of real commitment to the enlargement of the alliance. The PfP document of January 1994 may be regarded as a breakthrough. The diplomacy of Moscow became more and more dismissive as to the idea of the eastern enlargement of the NATO. Within a few months an attitude that regarded Russia joining the NATO as a possible perspective gave way to the total rejection of the enlargement. This study aims at exploring the determining points of this debate mainly in the light of the most important documents.

This paper discusses the experiences of the implementation of LEADER approach from the perspective of effectiveness, efficiency and sustainability. In the late 1980s, the EU's rural development policy shifted towards endogenous development, as introduced into the practice of rural development in the framework of the LEADER programme. The LEADER as the new model of rural development policy, the new paradigm of development focuses on participation, cooperation and utilization of the local resources. The basic institutions of implementation of the LEADER programme are the LAGs (Local Action Groups as local partnerships), which have a great role in the local development with their proactive operation. The impact assessment of the implementation of the LEADER approach showed that in spite of several positive examples, there are many factors which hinder the wide adoption of the features of the programme into practice, thus realization of results and impacts expected from it in the process of local development. Therefore, it is absolutely necessary to maintain and strengthen the factors of success and to avoid factors which weaken or hinder the effective adaptation of the method. Thereby it can be hoped that the possibilites provided by the LEADER approach can be utilized in the local rural development.

The study analyses the post-socialist codes of private law. It evaluates them in the history of codification, presents their social background and contrasts the monistic and dualistic approach of codification.

Regions and regionalism are rather flourishing in Europe. But what do regionalism and the expression "Europe of regions" exactly mean? There are three approaches to the question: first, the concept of cross-border interregionality between the Member States of the European Union; second, the effort to make regions the basic building blocks of European integration instead of states; and finally, the objective to introduce a three-tier structure to the European Union which would extend the already existing tiers of the European Union and the Member States with a third one, the territorial units within nation-states. The first approach (interregional cooperation) has long been adopted; the second approach (the vision of Europe made up of regions instead of states) is rather utopian. The third one is subject to fierce debates: a three-tier European Union with European, nation-state and regional levels. Although the form, motives and causes of movements promoting regionalism may vary greatly, 1 their purpose is the same for autonomous, federalist and separatist movements alike: to relativise the existing central nation-state. Thus, advancing European integration has become a natural ally for them as – from their perspective – it meant the disfunctionality of traditional nation-states. A supranational and therefore multinational and multicultural community promises much more room for development than a classic nation-state.

One of the aims of the new electoral law of Hungary has been to define a fairer apportionment into voting districts. This is ensured by a set of rules slightly more premissive than those laid out in the Code of Good Practice in Electoral Matters of the Venice Commission. These rules fix the average size of the voting districts, require voting districts not to split smaller towns and villages and not to cross county borders. We show that such an apportionment is mathematically impossible. We make suggestions both to the theoretical approach to resolve this problem, study the properties of our approach and using our efficient algorithm and the data of the 2010 national elections we determine the optimal apportionment. We also study the expected effect of demographic changes and formulate recommendations to adhere to the rules over the long term: increase the number of voting districts to about 130, allow the number of voting districts to change flexibly at each revision of the districts and base the districts on regions rather than counties.

In our study, we attempt to provide a broad picture about the views of those authors who assessed the nationality concept of Ferenc Deák and József Eötvös, and through this analysis we would clarify how diverse approaches of the same issue might exist within the academic literature. We rely on the main relevant sources drafted under different political regimes: from the dualist period, Béla Grünwald, Lajos Mocsáry, and Oszkár Jászi are highlighted; from the era between the two world wars, Gyula Szekfű, Imre Mikó, and Kálmán Molnár will be cited; while the communist approach would be represented by Erzsébet Fazekas and Gábor Kemény G. Apart from the most influential Hungarian scholars, some authors from the neighbouring countries and the mainstream contemporary international literature on the status of national minorities will be also referred to. The core of our research is not the evaluation of the 1868 Act on nationalities or its application itself but the ex-post assessment of the political nation concept provided by Deák and Eötvös, which was a point of reference for the whole contemporary Hungarian political community and which also determined the logic of the 1868 Act on nationalities.

A régiók nem csak a közelmúltban jelentek meg az európai politika színpadán, mint önálló szereplők, tevékenységüket már évtizedek óta jegyzik. Ennek középpontjában mindenekelőtt a régiók határokon átnyúló együttműködése áll, ezt egészítették ki a régiók transznacionális megállapodásaival, amelyek arra szolgáltak, hogy a nemzetállamok kormányaival valamint a nemzetközi szervezetekkel, különösképpen az Európa Tanáccsal és az Európai Közösséggel szemben érdekképviseletüket gyakorolják. Az utóbbi időben a régiók egyre energikusabban és követelőbben hívták fel magukra a figyelmet. Tevékenységük súlypontja jelenleg nyilvánvalóan az EU és az integrációs folyamatokon belül helyezkedik el. A régiók mint az EU-kontextus politikai tényezői igen sokrétű tevékenységet mutatnak fel, amelyek az "Európa régiói" megjelölésben foglalhatók össze. Az elnevezésből, mint sokszor használatos szlogenből azonban hiányzik egy egyértelmű és ugyanakkor közös megegyezéssel alapuló, elfogadott tartalom. Regions appeared as autonomous entities on the European political stage not only in recent years. The activity of regions has been recorded for decades. It focuses above all on the cross-border cooperation of regions, and was supplemented by the trans-national agreements of regions, which served to practice their representation against the governments of nation states as well as international organisations, in particular, the European Council and the European Community. Most recently, regions have drawn attention to their presence more and more and when doing so have found increasing attention. Their centre of activity is now obviously located within the EU and the integration processes. Regions as the political factors of the EU context show a wide range of activities that can be summarized under the label of 'the regions of Europe'. The name, as a frequently used slogan, is lacking a clear and at the same time jointly agreed, accepted content. Regions and regionalism are rather flourishing in Europe. But what do regionalism and the expression Europe of regions exactly mean? There are many approaches to the question, the concept of cross-border interregionality between the Member States of the European Union, or the effort to make regions the basic building blocks of European integration instead of states, and the objective to introduce a three-tier structure to the European Union which would extend the already existing tiers of the European Union and the Member States with a third one, the territorial units within nation states. The first approach has long been adopted, the second approach is rather utopian. The third one is subject to fierce debates: a three-tier European Union with European, nation state and regional levels.

There is a strong Calvinist spirit in the professional work of all our Reformed Church criminal lawyers. Educating offenders, involving them in work, helping prisoners, helping and protecting those at risk played a primary role in their response to crime. Finkey's approach was in harmony with this tradition. He was convinced that without the involvement of the society, without the active help of the churches, there would be no effective crime prevention. He emphasized the importance of education, arguing that education is necessary not only for juvenile offenders but also for the adults. Following the North American "reformatory school", he called for establishing correctional institutions in Hungary, as many as possible.

There were two significant milestones in the lives of Central and Eastern European countries. One was the political, social and economic change of regime during which the former centralized system was demolished. The other was the accession to the European Union, which provided an opportunity for this macro region for convergence as well as a social, economic and regional cohesion in Europe. Both of them had a significant effect on the development policy of the countries, thus that of Hungary as well. The exclusivity of the top-down policy ceased. Nevertheless, due to the learning of democratic patterns, the lack of balance in political power and the lack of funds a kind of reflection period was characteristic of the development policy the result of which was a kind of mixture of top-down and bottom-up policy. By joining the European Union clear external rules and mechanisms of action came into effect. Significant funds became accessible that strengthened the centralization and the top-down approach in the Hungarian development policy. The regional dimensions of the development endeavours appeared in many different ways in our country, but finally the regional formations that were suitable for serving the top-down development policy strengthened. The individual areas were affected miscellaneously by the regional dimension of the development tendencies. While funds were provided by the European Union for them, the bottom-up initiatives were not sufficiently welcomed. Such an area is in many ways that of Lake Balaton, which is homogeneous as far as tourism is concerned but administratively, thus from the perspective of development policy, it is split. Due to the top-down approach as well as the strengthening of the bureaucratic development policy the role of this area in the development policy is fading. This can later have a negative effect on the valuable, unique character of the region.

In my short essay, I tried to present the changes in the criminal procedure law of the last one hundred and fifty years, the means of proof, and, wherever possible, to find a connection, as well as Ferenc Finkey's work, who was born 150 years ago. It can be said about Finkey's work, his textbooks that his conception of material and procedural law marked a new era in Hungarian scientific life. He established a modern system, proclaiming the principles that meet the theoretical and practical requirements of a modern criminal procedure based on individual freedoms, acquiring a state-of-the-art approach with a European perspective. As a result, his views are not let out of the latest scientific life either. His theoretical conception and dogmatic theorems still define legal thinking.

This study describes the Habsburg officials and commission members appointed to conclude a peace treaty between the Habsburgs and Ottomans between 1627 and 1629 at Szőny (Hungary). Furthermore, by relying on a database of about 2,000 records drawn from diplomatic and administrative sources and utilizing a quantitative approach, it outlines the channels and focal points for communication between the Habsburg appointees, as well as the direction and intensity of the exchange of information. The analysis of the database leads to the conclusion that the Hungarian palatine, Miklós Esterházy had a major role in the negotiations and that the Imperial Court and War Council played an intermediary role between the palatine and the members of the treaty commission. Furthermore, it points out that the palatine maintained contact with the beylerbeyi of Buda, Murteza pasha, which may have had an impact on the negotiations at Szőny.

Considering the recent series of events and intensified diplomatic and economic relations, many experts envisage a new Cold War between the two superpowers of the twenty-first century. Although the Chinese-American relationship over the last half-century has experienced some great moments, it has mostly been characterised by less amicable or even hostile attitudes, as well as economically volatile competition. The pragmatic realist approach and diplomatic appeasement of the 1970s and 1980s served mutual interests for the two countries against their common foe, the Soviet Union. Nevertheless, concerning their political values and visions, the democratic US and the Marxist-Maoist People's Republic of China have proven to be two irreconcilable political and social experiments, worlds apart from each other's spheres and paradigms. Within the context of the drastically altered global political milieu of the new millennium, the two great powers have manoeuvred themselves into heated confrontational positions over the last decade, not even excluding the possibility of a severe clash of interests in the future.

This paper is aimed at analysing the impact of the crisis of the liberal international order on the transatlantic relations. Both the EU and the US have vital interest to maintain the existing international order, however regarding certain foreign policy goals we witness an increasingly divergent approach to world politics. This is the case with the Middle East, where the EU acts as a global player based on historical ties, while the United States have recently started a gradual disengagement from the region. The so-called post-American Middle East have its own opportunities as well as challenges for the European diplomacy. This article focuses on the differences between the EU and the US foreign policy goals related to the Middle East. It primarily addresses the Iranian nuclear program and the Middle East Peace Plan recently launched by the US. The author argues despite some differences in interests, the EU and the US do not perceive the region in an entirely different way.