The study is composed of 2 main parts, in which both behavior & att's are examined. Men & women are described in relation to their pol'al participation & as pol'al representatives. Apart from the obvious effects of Ur'ization, of a rise in the SE level, & of a decrease in religious & conservative traditionalism, other factors also help to explain diff's in the voting turnout of men & women. Eg, in some areas, notably in the Swedish-speaking Ru communes, ED increases sex diff's by bringing with it social disorg & cross-pressu res. The ecological analysis shows that all over the country past class-conflicts & traditions of inequality of SC's are reflected in present inequality or diff in sex roles in voting participation. Socialist traditions are unable to decrease sex diff's when the soc structure is characterized by class conflicts. The soc & pol'al climates in eastern & western Finland differ remarkably from each other. In eastern Finland women's voting activity is low but a high proportion of women is elected. This is due to a lack of uniform norms as to whether & for whom to vote. Pressure towards conformity in western Finland brings women to the polls but to vote for men. This shows that women's voting & voting for women are not one dimension. Ur'ization increases both women's voting & voting for women. The influence of sex role ideologies can be seen primarily in voting for women, not that of women. The Marxian principle of the equality of the sexes is reflected in the larger proportion of women among candidates & those elected in the socialist parties. Voting for women candidates in bourgeois parties has increased, probably due to the growing number of women working in Mc occup's & to the radical sex role discussion which began in 1965 & which may have influenced the voting in the elections of 1968 & 1970. IPSA.
SummaryThe results of this study on the voting activity of men and women in Finland, on the election of men and women and on the attitudes and expectations related to this activity are, in general, consistent with those of previous studies and with the propositions set forth in the beginning. Some additions to the facts known earlier can, however, be reported.Apart from the obvious effects of urbanization, of a rise in the socio‐economical level, and of a decrease in religious and conservative traditionalism, some other factors also help to explain small differences in the voting turnout of men and women. For example, in some areas, notably in the Swedish‐speaking rural communes, economic development increases sex differences by bringing with it social disorganization and cross‐pressures. An important result of the ecological analysis was that all over the country past class‐conflicts, traditions of inequality of social classes are reflected in present inequality or difference in sex roles in voting participation. Socialist traditions, which according to Marxian ideology stress the equality of the sexes in political life, and which are strong in the same communes where class conflict and inequality of the sexes prevail, are unable to decrease sex differences when the social structure is characterized by class conflicts.The social and political climates in eastern and western Finland differ remarkably from each other. In eastern Finland women's voting activity is low but a high proportion of women is elected to parliament and municipal councils, notably in the bourgeois parties. This is due to a lack of uniform norms as to whether and for whom to vote. Pressure towards conformity in western Finland brings women to the polls but to vote for men. This shows that women's voting and voting for women are not one‐dimensional phenomena in all social circumstances. On the other hand, it was found that urbanization increases both women's voting and voting for women. — The liberal attitude of men in eastern Finland towards women's participation in politics and leadership, reflects lack of homogeneous conservatism and provides a good foundation for those women who want to be politically active. Women in eastern Finland are not, however, as already mentioned, active as voters but when they are, they of ten vote for women candidates. The east‐west cultural difference seems to be losing importance at present and the south—north or center—periphery difference which is related to economic development, is gaining in importance.The influence of sex role ideologies could be seen primarily in voting for women, not that of women. The Marxian principle of the equality of the sexes is reflected in the larger proportion of women among candidates and those elected in the socialist parties. This proportion has for some reason been declining since 1954. On the other hand, voting for women candidates in bourgeois parties has increased. This may be due to the growing number of women working in middle class occupations. Women get votes almost always from other women — only a tiny proportion of men votes for women ‐ and these educated middle‐class women increasingly cast their votes for women candidates. Another reason for the increase in the proportion of votes cast for women in bourgeois parties particularly in towns and cities, may be the radical sex role discussion which began in 1965 and which may have influenced the voting in the elections of 1968 and 1970. This assumption receives support from the sharp increase already in 1966 in votes cast for women in the Swedish People's party, whose supporters included the initiators of this discussion, imported from Sweden.Socio‐economic development, conservative conformity, traditions of equality in the social structure and ideologies concerning equality of the sexes are on the basis of this study some of the factors influencing sex roles in Finnish politics. There is however considerable variation in their importance in different social groups and geographical areas. They also have different effects on the voting turnout of men and women and on the voting for men and women.
This study describes the development of a new instrument of sex-role identity, the Ravinder Sex Role Salience Reptest (2RS Reptest). The 2RS Reptest is based on Kelly's Personal Construct Theory and recent advances in sex-role development models. In particular, this instrument incorporates the notion of sex-role salience, and makes it possible to characterize an individual as masculine, feminine, androgynous, or sex-role transcendent. The findings revealed support for the validity of the measure and illustrated the utility of using such an instrument for the measurement of sex-role identity.
I argue for compatibility between feminism and medicine by developing a model of the physician-other relationship which is essentially egalitarian. This entails rejection of (a) a paternalistic model which reinforces sex-role stereotypes, (b) a maternalistic model which exclusively emphasizes patient autonomy, and (c) a model which focuses on the physician's conscience. The model I propose (parentalism) captures the complexity and dynamism of the physician-other relationship, by stressing mutuality in respect for autonomy and regard for each other's interests.
