Ambivalenter Sexismus besteht aus offen feindseligen (hostiler Sexismus) und scheinbar wohlwollenden (benevolenter Sexismus) Sichtweisen auf Frauen. Obwohl anzunehmen ist, dass ambivalent-sexistische Einstellungen nicht nur gegenüber Frauen, sondern auch gegenüber Mädchen bestehen und sich bereits im Jugendalter herausbilden, wurden auf Mädchen bezogene Einstellungen und jugendliche Stichproben bisher kaum untersucht, vermutlich auch aufgrund des Fehlens eines geeigneten Messinstrumentes. Wir stellen ein deutschsprachiges Instrument zur Messung ambivalent-sexistischer Einstellungen gegenüber jugendlichen Mädchen zum Einsatz bei Jugendlichen und jungen Erwachsenen vor. Zur Prüfung der Kriteriumsvalidität untersuchten wir mit 1 128 Jugendlichen den Zusammenhang zwischen ambivalent-sexistischen Einstellungen gegenüber Mädchen und einem Geschlechtergerechtigkeitsindex. Die Konstruktvalidität prüften wir in 2 Stichproben junger Erwachsener (Studierende der Sozialwissenschaften, N = 441, und des Polizeivollzugsdienstes, N = 153), die zusätzlich ein etabliertes Inventar zur Messung des ambivalenten Sexismus gegenüber Frauen sowie verwandte Skalen ausfüllten. Die Ergebnisse verweisen auf Reliabilität und Validität des Inventars zur Messung des Ambivalenten Sexismus gegenüber jugendlichen Mädchen (ASI-Mäd).
"This book explores how incels use language and other semiotic resources to construct ideologies of gender and race/ethnicity. The author theorises and positions incels' performances of masculinity against a backdrop of broader social sciences and linguistic literature, and discusses some of the limitations of different lenses through which incels have previously been understood, as well some of the ethical issues involved with researching a hostile community. Corpus linguistic methods and netnographic reflections are used to explore how incels construct ideologies about gender, gendered social actors, and race/ethnicity, as well as where these concepts intersect. Taking a post-structuralist critical analysis to this community reveals a number of way ideologies towards different groups based on social identities are linguistically constructed. This book will be relevant to those researching or studying language, gender, and sexuality, sociology, and criminology. Outside of academic applications, it is also written in a way that is accessible to external organisations interested in equality and the prevention of incel-ideology-motivated offline attacks." --
In: Capuyan, A., Capuyan, M. P., Jayme, P. D., Minoza, J., & Flores, R. (2023).Facebook Commentaries in Leni Robredo's Presidential Campaign: Sexism Illumination. OKARA: JurnalBahasa dan Sastra, 17(2), 281–299. https://doi.org/10.19105/ojbs.v17i2.10271
In: Political analysis: PA ; the official journal of the Society for Political Methodology and the Political Methodology Section of the American Political Science Association, Band 31, Heft 3, S. 337-351
AbstractWe propose and explore the possibility that language models can be studied as effective proxies for specific human subpopulations in social science research. Practical and research applications of artificial intelligence tools have sometimes been limited by problematic biases (such as racism or sexism), which are often treated as uniform properties of the models. We show that the "algorithmic bias" within one such tool—the GPT-3 language model—is instead both fine-grained and demographically correlated, meaning that proper conditioning will cause it to accurately emulate response distributions from a wide variety of human subgroups. We term this propertyalgorithmic fidelityand explore its extent in GPT-3. We create "silicon samples" by conditioning the model on thousands of sociodemographic backstories from real human participants in multiple large surveys conducted in the United States. We then compare the silicon and human samples to demonstrate that the information contained in GPT-3 goes far beyond surface similarity. It is nuanced, multifaceted, and reflects the complex interplay between ideas, attitudes, and sociocultural context that characterize human attitudes. We suggest that language models with sufficient algorithmic fidelity thus constitute a novel and powerful tool to advance understanding of humans and society across a variety of disciplines.
This book tells the complex story of women journalists as both outsiders and insiders in the German press of the National Socialist and post-war years. From 1933 onward, Nazi press authorities valued female journalists as a means to influence the public through charm and subtlety rather than intimidation or militant language. Deborah Barton reveals that despite the deep sexism inherent in the Nazi press, some women were able to capitalize on the gaps between gender rhetoric and reality to establish prominent careers in both soft and hard news. Based on data collected on over 1,500 women journalists, the book describes the professional opportunities open to women during the Nazi era, their gendered contribution to Nazi press and propaganda goals, and the ways in which their Third Reich experiences proved useful in post-war divided Germany. It draws on a range of sources including editorial proceedings, press association membership records, personal correspondence, newspapers, diaries, and memoirs. It also sheds light on both unknown journalists and famous figures including Margret Boveri, Ruth Andreas-Friedrich, and Ursula von Kardorff. Addressing the long-term influence of women journalists, this book illuminates some of the most salient issues in the nature of Nazi propaganda, the depiction of wartime violence, and historical memory.
In research on online comments on social media platforms, different terms are widely used to describe comments that are hateful or disrespectful and thereby poison a discussion. This chapter takes a theoretical perspective on the term toxicity and related research in the field of computer science. More specifically, it explains the usage of the term and why its exact interpretation depends on the platform in question. Further, the article discusses the advantages of toxicity over other terms and provides an overview of the available toxic comment datasets. Finally, it introduces the concept of engaging comments as the counterpart of toxic comments, leading to a task that is complementary to the prevention and removal of toxic comments: the fostering and highlighting of engaging comments.
This book explores the work and careers of women, trans, and third-gender artists engaged in political activism. While some artists negotiated their own political status in their Indigenous communities, others responded to global issues of military dictatorship, racial discrimination, or masculine privilege in regions other than their own. Women, trans, and third-gender artists continue to highlight and challenge the disturbing legacies of colonialism, imperialism, capitalism, communism, and other political ideologies that are correlated with patriarchy, primogeniture, sexism, or misogyny. The book argues that solidarity among such artists remains valuable and empowering for those who still seek legitimate recognition in art schools, cultural institutions, and the history curriculum. Gillian Hannum is Professor Emerita of Visual Studies and Art History at Manhattanville College in Purchase, New York, where she served on the faculty from 1987 to 2021. A photographic historian with M.A. and Ph.D. degrees from The Pennsylvania State University, she has published on photographic topics in the Journal of the Royal Photographic Society, History of Photography, and Nineteenth Century, has contributed to several books and exhibition catalogs, and has presented papers or chaired panels at a number of conferences. Kyunghee Pyun is Associate Professor of History of Art at the Fashion Institute of Technology, State University of New York. She wrote Fashion, Identity, Power in Modern Asia (Palgrave Macmillan, 2018) and will publish School Uniforms in East Asia: Fashioning Statehood and Self in 2022. As an independent curator, she has collaborated with contemporary artists for exhibitions such as Violated Bodies: New Languages for Justice and Humanity. Pyun co-edited Interpreting Modernism in Korean Art: Fluidity and Fragmentation (Routledge, 2021) and American Art in Asia: Artistic Praxis and Theoretical Divergence (Routledge, 2022).
1.Introduction by Michael S. Jeffress, Joy M. Cypher, Jim Ferris and Julie-Ann Scott-Pollock -- PART I: LANGUAGE AND DISABILITY -- 2. Language Matters: Disability and the Power of Taboo Words by Joanne Arciuli, and Tom Shakespeare -- 3. Communicating by Accident: Dysfluency, the Non-Essential, and the Catastrophe by Joshua St. Pierre -- 4. A Framework for Cross-Neurotype Communication Competence by Emily Stones -- 5. Microaggressions Toward People with Disabilities by Danielle Sparrow, Erin Sahlstein Parcell, Emily R. Gerlikovski, and Dathan N. Simpson -- 6. "When We Say That It's Private, a Lot of People Assume It Just Doesn't Exist": Communication, Disability, and Sexuality by Ameera Ali -- PART II: IDENTITY AND INTERSECTIONALITIES -- 7. Ableism and Intersectionality: A Rhetorical Perspective by James L. Cherney -- 8. Performing FitCrip in Daily Life: A Critical Autoethnographic Reflection on Embodied Vulnerability by Julie-Ann Scott-Pollock -- 9. On a Scale of Zero to Ten: A Lyric Autoethnography of Chronic Pain and Illness by Shelby Swafford -- 10. On Being a Diabetic Black Male: An Autoethnography of Race, Gender, and Invisible Disability by Antonio L. Spikes -- 11. Physical Disability in Romantic Relationships: Exploring How Women with Visible Physical Disabilities Navigate Conversations about Their Identity with Male Romantic Partners by Lisa J. DeWeert and Aimee E. Miller-Ott -- 12. Disposable Masks, Disposable Lives: Aggrievement Politics and the Weaponization of Disabled Identity by Brian Grewe and Craig R. Weathers -- PART III. CULTURAL ARTIFACTS & DISABILITY -- 13. Disability Talk with Machines: Reflections on Chatbots, AI & Other Machines Whereby "We" Communicate about Disability by Gerard Goggin, Andrew Prahl, and ZHAUNG Kuansong Victor -- 14. Thinking Inclusiveness, Diversity and Cultural Equity Based on Game Mechanics and Accessibility Features in Mainstream Video Games by Alexandra Dumont and Maude Bonenfant -- 15. Posthuman Critical Theory and the Body on Sports Night by Peter J. Gloviczki -- 16. Never Go Full Potato: Discourses of Cognitivism, Ableism and Sexism in "I Can Count to Potato" Memes by Jeff Preston -- 17. #DisabilityTikTok by Jordan Foster, and David Pettinicchio -- PART IV: INSTITUTIONAL CONSTRUCTS AND CONSTRAINTS -- 18. Communicating Vulnerability in Disasters: Media Coverage of People with Disabilities in Hurricane Katrina and the Tōhoku Earthquake and Tsunami by Liz Shek-Noble -- 19. "Kept in a Padded Black Cell in Case He Accidently Said 'Piccaninny'": Disability as Humor in Brexit Rhetoric by Emmeline Burdett -- 20. "Oh, We Are Going to Have a Problem!": Service Dog Access Microaggressions, Hyper-Invisibility, and Advocacy Fatigue by Robert L. Ballard, Sarah J. Ballard, and Lauren E. Chu -- 21. "The Fuzzy Mouse": Unresolved Reflections on Podcasting, Public Pedagogy, and Intellectual Disability by Chelsea Temple Jones, Kimberlee Collins, Anne Zbitnew, and Jennifer Chatsick -- 22. Organizational Communication and Disability: Improvising Sense-Sharing by Amin Makkawy and Shane T. Moreman -- PART V: ADVOCACY, POLICY, AND ACTION -- 23. Overlooked and Undercounted: Communication and Police Brutality against People with Disabilities by Deion S. Hawkins -- 24. Critical Disability Studies in Technical Communication: A 20-Year History and the Future of Accessibility by Leah Heilig -- 25. Communication Infrastructures: Examining How Community Storytelling Facilitates or Constrains Communication Related to Medicaid Waivers for Children by Whittney H. Darnell -- 26. "Governing Deaf Children and Their Parents through (and into) Language by Tracey Edelist -- 27. #ImMentallyIllAndIDontKill: A Case Study of Grassroots Health Advocacy Messages on Twitter Following the Dayton and El Paso Shootings by Sarah Smith-Frigerio.
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Balibar print from All Grim Prints An ongoing albeit sporadic project of mine is trying to understand the systematic nature underlying the conjunctural interventions of Etienne Balibar. This semester this investigation dovetailed with a reexamination of his writings on race for a seminar on Race, Class, and Gender. With respect to the latter it seems that there are two elements that are central to Balibar's thinking of race. First, as I have already stressed in a previous post, racism has to be understood as an entire way of thinking, a mode of thought, and not, as is often the case a bias or stereotype, an aberration in thought. As Balibar writes in "Racism and Universalism, ""I think that racism is a genuine mode of thought, that is to say, a mode of connecting not only words with objects, but more profoundly words with images, in order to create concepts. Therefore to overcome racism in one's personal experience or in collective experience is not simply a matter of abandoning prejudices or opening one's eyes to reality with the possible help of science; it has to do with changing one's mode of thinking, something much more difficult." As a mode of thought racism not only defines a particular way of thinking, but one that is indexed to the immediate demands of living. When Balibar writes that racism combines misrecognition with a "will to know,' a violent desire for immediate knowledge of social relations," I understand that violent desire to have something to do with the fundamental questions of social life, who should I trust? who should I fear? who can I desire? etc. Racism promises an answer to all of these questions, one that is immediately legible, written on the body and skin. Racism is as much a way of thinking and a way of living. This is why all challenges to it threaten not just what counts as knowledge, but also what counts as politics, as collectivity, even if the collectivity in question is not divided or demarcated by race. "As feminism has progressively started to demonstrate, the issue with sexism is not, or not merely, to resist male chauvinism or to struggle against male domination: it is to have the male community destroyed from the inside. Similarly, the issue with racism, in the long run and in everyday situations, is to destroy the racist community from within, a community which is both institutional and spontaneous, based on collective privileges (many of them—but not all—imaginary) and the individual desire for knowledge."The connection between a mode of thinking and a mode of living, the order and connection of ideas and the order and connection of things, is a profoundly Spinozist. As André Tosel argues, Spinoza's thought has as its center not a hierarchy between praxis, poiesis, and theoria, as in classical thought, but their mutual implication, a way of thinking is a way of living and producing. As Tosel writes, While the ancient tradition interrogates the nature proper to humanity from the triplet poiesis, praxis, theoria, supposed to represent the hierarchy of distinctly human kinds of life, Spinoza recomposes poiesis, praxis, theoria in the unity of the same form of life. Every form of life, every bios is a specific unity of poiesis, of praxis, and theoria. Or rather, in each kind of life, in each individual body, there is a relation to other bodies in nature (poiesis), and to other bodies of the same human essence (praxis), corresponding to a modality of the existence of the mind or spirit of knowledge (theoria). (That is from Du Materialisme de Spinoza, and I still have plans to work out how Balibar and Tosel arrive at their understandings of race and citizen from Spinoza). For his part, and as I have argued before, Balibar draws a great deal of support for his thought on race from his reading of the dual foundations of the city in Proposition Thirty Seven of Part Four of the Ethics. Here is a long passage on that point from The Politics of Transindividuality. (pg. 92-93 of that book). "While Spinoza's dual foundations of the city cannot be immediately connected to base and superstructure, economics and politics, it does, however, prove useful for understanding politics, the state. Its constitutive ambiguity is not that of the tension between economics and politics, but within political belonging and individuation itself. The state, especially the modern state, which has inherited the ideal of the citizen, of a universal dimension, is always split between nation and state, between an imagined identity and a legal or institutional unity. The imagined identity, 'what makes a people a people,' crosses the same terrain as Spinoza's ingenium, in other words every nation, every nationality, is formed by an organization of the aspects that constitute collective and individual identity. Language and memory play a central role in the formation of nations. In the attempt to constitute a people, to generate a fictive identity, the nation intersects with race as the quintessential fictive ethnicity. Race and nation constantly traverse each other: modern racist organizations consider themselves to be first and foremost national organizations, protecting the purity of the nation, and the national unit and belonging is impossible without the fantasy of a common language and heritage. However, the nation is not synonymous with the state, the modern state, the state that begins with the democratic revolutions, also have an irreducible universalistic dimension, an ideal of the citizen that is not tied to national belonging. Balibar goes so far as to see this division, a division not between bourgeois man and political citizen, but between nation and state, as constitutive of modern political conflict. As Balibar writes, For my part, I consider the demarcation between democratic and liberal policies and conservative or reactionary policies today to depend essentially (if not exclusively) on attitudes towards ethnic discriminations and differences of nationality on whether pride of place is given to national belonging or emancipatory goals (the rights of man or citizen). The dual foundation constitutes two different subjects, two different transindividual individuations. The first is that of homo nationalis, the human individual defined not just through his or her specific language, but most of all, through shared customs, habits and memories. The second is the citizen defined by an open transindividual process, by rights and obligations, which exist only as a collective project that is by definition universal. These individuations coexist, constituting the conflictual basis for different individuations and different politics. National belonging, national identity, especially as it is connected to shared language, history and memory, comes close to racial identity and race, which it can never fully extricate itself from. For Balibar, race is not just a matter of a fictive unity, as a definition of belonging, but is also integral to the manner in which modern democratic societies deal with, or represent, the persistence of hierarchy and division. Hierarchy and division are always a scandal to a society organized according to the citizen, to an individuation of the citizen. There is thus also a proximity of race to class; class can always be racialized, not in the sense that it is ascribed to different races, but becomes attached to a rigid and permanent division in society. The division of mental and manual labour is inseparable from a division of society into 'mind men' and 'body men,' with all of the expected ambiguous connections to animality. Race reinscribes social divisions on divisions of the body, making social hierarchies justified and visible at the same time. Race (and the racialization of class difference) resolves the incomplete nature of the democratic revolution; it is the revival of anthropological difference in societies that have declared such differences to be null and void. As much as race plays a fundamental role as an alibi, explaining the persistence of inequality in a society that claims to be otherwise, it also plays an important role in the social imaginary, a term that is justified in terms of the Spinozist idea of the imaginary. Race is an inadequate idea of social belonging and social division. Racism is an imaginary, an inadequate idea in the full Spinozist sense of the term, it is both immediate, combining affect and imagination and fails to comprehend its causes. It offers an immediate understanding of society, a transparent account of the social divisions and conflicts mapped onto the most superficial signs of bodily or cultural difference."It seems to me that two conclusions follow from thinking about racism as an articulation of thinking and living, of knowledge and politics. First, such politics should not shy a way from the radical nature of what is at stake. Anti-racism is not just a challenge to a few lingering prejudices or biases, but to a whole way of thinking, a way of thinking that is integral to our society. (this is too long to go into here, but I am thinking also of Sylvia Wynter's "Unsettling the Coloniality of Being/Power/Truth/Freedom" and the connection she makes between knowledge and politics, between what can be known and lived). Second, this way of thinking is also a way of living. Which is to say that the reactionaries that have perceived in anti-racism an assault on their way of living, as in the case of Florida, they are right. It benefits no one to pretend that such is not the case. Although I do think that there is work to be done on this issue, to imagine what a post-racial society would look like beyond the image of integration (which was always integration to a community defined by racial exclusion). Lastly, such a society would also entail not just a transformation of race, but of national belonging, and with it, in a longer point that I cannot make now, the class basis of modern society.
This book is the result of a conference that could not take place. It is a collection of 26 texts that address and discuss the latest developments in international hate speech research from a wide range of disciplinary perspectives. This includes case studies from Brazil, Lebanon, Poland, Nigeria, and India, theoretical introductions to the concepts of hate speech, dangerous speech, incivility, toxicity, extreme speech, and dark participation, as well as reflections on methodological challenges such as scraping, annotation, datafication, implicity, explainability, and machine learning. As such, it provides a much-needed forum for cross-national and cross-disciplinary conversations in what is currently a very vibrant field of research.
It's a Sunday morning, I get up and sit on the couch to drink my coffee, I drink a newspaper of national circulation, I begin to look at it to see if there is something that calls me the attention, on the front page I read the headlines with news of everyday topics; politics, health, economy, etc. In the lower left margin the first thing you notice is a young girl in Swimsuit that won a beauty contest. I keep turning the newspaper sheets and I I stop in a story entitled Commitment to speed shelter for underprivileged children ; Es un domingo por la mañana, me levanto y me siento en el sillón para tomarme el café, tomoun periódico de circulación nacional, empiezo a ojearlo para ver si hay algo que me llame laatención, en primera plana leo los titulares con noticias de temas cotidianos; política, salud,economía, etc. En el margen inferior izquierdo lo primero que se nota es a una jovencita entraje de baño que ganó un concurso de belleza. Sigo pasando las hojas del periódico y medetengo en una noticia titulada Compromiso de apresurar amparo a niños desvalidos.
Introduction -- Pick-up artists and the seduction industry -- Lexical aspects of pick-up artist discourse -- The pragmatics of pick-up artist interactions -- Conversations in the field -- Teaching and selling seduction -- Conclusion -- Appendix A: Transcription conventions -- Appendix B: Lists of videos included in PUA-Lecture and PUA-How-To -- Glossary of pick-up artist terms.
Este estudio ofrece una perspectiva general sobre la comunicación no sexista, pero no se agota únicamente en este objetivo. Plantea primero la posibilidad de aparición de sesgos ideológicos en cualquier disciplina científica, Lingüística incluida, y, desde este punto de partida, sirviéndose de la noción de mito lingüístico, analiza algunos fenómenos centrales en la polémica sobre el lenguaje no sexista que constituyen el núcleo teórico de la obra: el masculino como término no marcado, el principio de arbitrariedad del lenguaje, el principio de economía lingüística y el carácter genérico del masculino. A continuación, sigue revisando otras mitologías relacionadas con este debate que se internan principalmente en el terreno del análisis del discurso, como los topoi inmanentistas o la caracterización ideológica de este asunto desde la política y la planificación lingüísticas