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This master's thesis comprises ofthe analysis of Michel Foucault's political project, and attempts to explain the emergence of some public political discourses through the power relations, defined by Foucault, and the subject problematization discourses. Given that the thesis is in itself purely theoretical, acknowledgement of the practical use of the theories is rather narrow. In the first part of the thesis the use of genealogy as a method to purify history, largely used by Foucault, is defined, and the methods, that work well with the latter method are elaborated. Furthermore, through those interpretations of genealogy, Foucauldian notion of political is explained. The second part reviews historical and social events, that could have become presumptions for the emergence of the feminist theory, defined by the analysis of the feminine social construct, and political feminist movement, driven by the form of the dispositif of sexuality. The third part concentrates on the processes of normalization, which when applied on the discourses of sex makes it deconstruct. Herefore the questions, such as why sexuality, as a socially constructed event, is not and can not be totally political?, can be asked. Further, the global perspective is taken into account while trying to foresee the methods, which move any private subject and their problematization towards the public discourse and dresses them in the institutional uniform.

This master's thesis comprises ofthe analysis of Michel Foucault's political project, and attempts to explain the emergence of some public political discourses through the power relations, defined by Foucault, and the subject problematization discourses. Given that the thesis is in itself purely theoretical, acknowledgement of the practical use of the theories is rather narrow. In the first part of the thesis the use of genealogy as a method to purify history, largely used by Foucault, is defined, and the methods, that work well with the latter method are elaborated. Furthermore, through those interpretations of genealogy, Foucauldian notion of political is explained. The second part reviews historical and social events, that could have become presumptions for the emergence of the feminist theory, defined by the analysis of the feminine social construct, and political feminist movement, driven by the form of the dispositif of sexuality. The third part concentrates on the processes of normalization, which when applied on the discourses of sex makes it deconstruct. Herefore the questions, such as why sexuality, as a socially constructed event, is not and can not be totally political?, can be asked. Further, the global perspective is taken into account while trying to foresee the methods, which move any private subject and their problematization towards the public discourse and dresses them in the institutional uniform.

A great number of men affected by rapid social, economic and political developments suffer severe marginalization due to their age, class, sexuality, disability and ethnicity in Lithuania. ,is paper examines the intersection of social marginalization, sexuality and masculinity. Using a Lithuanian male sex worker's case, it argues that a dysfunctional family, poor employment and educational history and low socioeconomic status made his choice of sex work the means of survival. Differently from studies conducted in Europe and North America that suggest that enjoyment of sex was, in many cases, a reason for working as an escort, pleasurable sexual interactions with clients were not a critical reason for involvement in escorting in this case. ,e paper is based on an extensive semi-structured interview with a 27-year old male escort. ,e interview demonstrates that the Lithuanian sex worker both confirms and deconstructs the traditional male sexual script of erotic adventures (Gagnon and Simon 1973, 1984). On the one hand, he plays an active role both in sexual and non-sexual encounters and tries to look and act like a real man aspiring to the institutional gender script of hegemonic masculinity. On the other hand, he minimizes the risk in dealing with clients by not engaging in an unsafe sex, declining unwanted sexual practices and rejecting drugs. Besides pleasant memories of his generously paying clients who bolstered his sense of self, the escort is susceptible to societal condemnation, stigma, and self-doubt because he clearly considers his work as a conscious deviation from sexual and gender norms. Othering himself, the respondent expresses a subjective feeling of hopelessness and powerlessness that makes him miserable. Both powerlessness and the lack of imaginable future create a sense of his wounded and injured masculinity.

A great number of men affected by rapid social, economic and political developments suffer severe marginalization due to their age, class, sexuality, disability and ethnicity in Lithuania. ,is paper examines the intersection of social marginalization, sexuality and masculinity. Using a Lithuanian male sex worker's case, it argues that a dysfunctional family, poor employment and educational history and low socioeconomic status made his choice of sex work the means of survival. Differently from studies conducted in Europe and North America that suggest that enjoyment of sex was, in many cases, a reason for working as an escort, pleasurable sexual interactions with clients were not a critical reason for involvement in escorting in this case. ,e paper is based on an extensive semi-structured interview with a 27-year old male escort. ,e interview demonstrates that the Lithuanian sex worker both confirms and deconstructs the traditional male sexual script of erotic adventures (Gagnon and Simon 1973, 1984). On the one hand, he plays an active role both in sexual and non-sexual encounters and tries to look and act like a real man aspiring to the institutional gender script of hegemonic masculinity. On the other hand, he minimizes the risk in dealing with clients by not engaging in an unsafe sex, declining unwanted sexual practices and rejecting drugs. Besides pleasant memories of his generously paying clients who bolstered his sense of self, the escort is susceptible to societal condemnation, stigma, and self-doubt because he clearly considers his work as a conscious deviation from sexual and gender norms. Othering himself, the respondent expresses a subjective feeling of hopelessness and powerlessness that makes him miserable. Both powerlessness and the lack of imaginable future create a sense of his wounded and injured masculinity.

A great number of men affected by rapid social, economic and political developments suffer severe marginalization due to their age, class, sexuality, disability and ethnicity in Lithuania. ,is paper examines the intersection of social marginalization, sexuality and masculinity. Using a Lithuanian male sex worker's case, it argues that a dysfunctional family, poor employment and educational history and low socioeconomic status made his choice of sex work the means of survival. Differently from studies conducted in Europe and North America that suggest that enjoyment of sex was, in many cases, a reason for working as an escort, pleasurable sexual interactions with clients were not a critical reason for involvement in escorting in this case. ,e paper is based on an extensive semi-structured interview with a 27-year old male escort. ,e interview demonstrates that the Lithuanian sex worker both confirms and deconstructs the traditional male sexual script of erotic adventures (Gagnon and Simon 1973, 1984). On the one hand, he plays an active role both in sexual and non-sexual encounters and tries to look and act like a real man aspiring to the institutional gender script of hegemonic masculinity. On the other hand, he minimizes the risk in dealing with clients by not engaging in an unsafe sex, declining unwanted sexual practices and rejecting drugs. Besides pleasant memories of his generously paying clients who bolstered his sense of self, the escort is susceptible to societal condemnation, stigma, and self-doubt because he clearly considers his work as a conscious deviation from sexual and gender norms. Othering himself, the respondent expresses a subjective feeling of hopelessness and powerlessness that makes him miserable. Both powerlessness and the lack of imaginable future create a sense of his wounded and injured masculinity.

This article presents an analysis of Soviet law on the family which was valid in Lithuania from 1940, in order to ascertain how it reflected gender equality, how (or if) it was formed, the legal measures the state harnessed in order to create family and gender relation models in various areas of life, and what kind of family and gender policy formed as a result. The law is contextualised in this paper by immersing it in the social reality of its time. This allows us to determine what norms and provisions determined the political and legal resolutions of the Soviet authorities, and to discuss their influence on society. The two most impor-tant periods in Soviet gender policy are distinguished. Initially revolutionary and radical in Lithuania, with the aim of changing society to realise its goals, after the 1950s, state policy became more reactive, and adapted to the changed, modernised society and its needs. This paper proposes to see changes to women's situation during the Soviet period not as emancipation, but as (double) mobilisation. The reasons for the stagnation in masculinity in Soviet law and policy, for not keeping up with or adapting to the rapidly changing social reality, are also analysed. The contradictions in Soviet policy regarding the family and gender are shown, where it proved impossible to unambiguously apply 'conservative-liberal' or 'tradition-al-liberal' distinctions in both policy and reality.

This article presents an analysis of Soviet law on the family which was valid in Lithuania from 1940, in order to ascertain how it reflected gender equality, how (or if) it was formed, the legal measures the state harnessed in order to create family and gender relation models in various areas of life, and what kind of family and gender policy formed as a result. The law is contextualised in this paper by immersing it in the social reality of its time. This allows us to determine what norms and provisions determined the political and legal resolutions of the Soviet authorities, and to discuss their influence on society. The two most impor-tant periods in Soviet gender policy are distinguished. Initially revolutionary and radical in Lithuania, with the aim of changing society to realise its goals, after the 1950s, state policy became more reactive, and adapted to the changed, modernised society and its needs. This paper proposes to see changes to women's situation during the Soviet period not as emancipation, but as (double) mobilisation. The reasons for the stagnation in masculinity in Soviet law and policy, for not keeping up with or adapting to the rapidly changing social reality, are also analysed. The contradictions in Soviet policy regarding the family and gender are shown, where it proved impossible to unambiguously apply 'conservative-liberal' or 'tradition-al-liberal' distinctions in both policy and reality.

This article presents an analysis of Soviet law on the family which was valid in Lithuania from 1940, in order to ascertain how it reflected gender equality, how (or if) it was formed, the legal measures the state harnessed in order to create family and gender relation models in various areas of life, and what kind of family and gender policy formed as a result. The law is contextualised in this paper by immersing it in the social reality of its time. This allows us to determine what norms and provisions determined the political and legal resolutions of the Soviet authorities, and to discuss their influence on society. The two most impor-tant periods in Soviet gender policy are distinguished. Initially revolutionary and radical in Lithuania, with the aim of changing society to realise its goals, after the 1950s, state policy became more reactive, and adapted to the changed, modernised society and its needs. This paper proposes to see changes to women's situation during the Soviet period not as emancipation, but as (double) mobilisation. The reasons for the stagnation in masculinity in Soviet law and policy, for not keeping up with or adapting to the rapidly changing social reality, are also analysed. The contradictions in Soviet policy regarding the family and gender are shown, where it proved impossible to unambiguously apply 'conservative-liberal' or 'tradition-al-liberal' distinctions in both policy and reality.

This article presents an analysis of Soviet law on the family which was valid in Lithuania from 1940, in order to ascertain how it reflected gender equality, how (or if) it was formed, the legal measures the state harnessed in order to create family and gender relation models in various areas of life, and what kind of family and gender policy formed as a result. The law is contextualised in this paper by immersing it in the social reality of its time. This allows us to determine what norms and provisions determined the political and legal resolutions of the Soviet authorities, and to discuss their influence on society. The two most impor-tant periods in Soviet gender policy are distinguished. Initially revolutionary and radical in Lithuania, with the aim of changing society to realise its goals, after the 1950s, state policy became more reactive, and adapted to the changed, modernised society and its needs. This paper proposes to see changes to women's situation during the Soviet period not as emancipation, but as (double) mobilisation. The reasons for the stagnation in masculinity in Soviet law and policy, for not keeping up with or adapting to the rapidly changing social reality, are also analysed. The contradictions in Soviet policy regarding the family and gender are shown, where it proved impossible to unambiguously apply 'conservative-liberal' or 'tradition-al-liberal' distinctions in both policy and reality.

The present day understanding would state that in a context of studies of anthropological, visual studies any view is an equivalent expression of cultural discourse that is why approaching to culture through analysis of a film also may be successfully applied in knowing different cultural models around or even in our own societies. The first theoretical part is dedicated to review a conception of sexuality in a context of western culture: essencelisation vs constructionalism. The second part is dedicated to analysis sexuality as social construction in the discourse of power. M. Foucault is being introduced who underlines sexuality as a social construct in a discourse of power, processes of suppression of sexuality are being analysed as well as outcomes of the process. In a changing society, understanding of the world, new comprehensions concerning traditional conceptions of sexual roles, manifestations and transformation of sexuality as a social construct are being formed. After reviewing Lithuanian cinematography, we notice the changing expression of sexual images, roles, intercommunication. Forms of sexuality which were replaced out of public discourse, normative definitions of proper behaviour earlier, in a present period are simply being reproduced, revitalised – thus constructing a vision of transformation.

The present day understanding would state that in a context of studies of anthropological, visual studies any view is an equivalent expression of cultural discourse that is why approaching to culture through analysis of a film also may be successfully applied in knowing different cultural models around or even in our own societies. The first theoretical part is dedicated to review a conception of sexuality in a context of western culture: essencelisation vs constructionalism. The second part is dedicated to analysis sexuality as social construction in the discourse of power. M. Foucault is being introduced who underlines sexuality as a social construct in a discourse of power, processes of suppression of sexuality are being analysed as well as outcomes of the process. In a changing society, understanding of the world, new comprehensions concerning traditional conceptions of sexual roles, manifestations and transformation of sexuality as a social construct are being formed. After reviewing Lithuanian cinematography, we notice the changing expression of sexual images, roles, intercommunication. Forms of sexuality which were replaced out of public discourse, normative definitions of proper behaviour earlier, in a present period are simply being reproduced, revitalised – thus constructing a vision of transformation.

The present day understanding would state that in a context of studies of anthropological, visual studies any view is an equivalent expression of cultural discourse that is why approaching to culture through analysis of a film also may be successfully applied in knowing different cultural models around or even in our own societies. The first theoretical part is dedicated to review a conception of sexuality in a context of western culture: essencelisation vs constructionalism. The second part is dedicated to analysis sexuality as social construction in the discourse of power. M. Foucault is being introduced who underlines sexuality as a social construct in a discourse of power, processes of suppression of sexuality are being analysed as well as outcomes of the process. In a changing society, understanding of the world, new comprehensions concerning traditional conceptions of sexual roles, manifestations and transformation of sexuality as a social construct are being formed. After reviewing Lithuanian cinematography, we notice the changing expression of sexual images, roles, intercommunication. Forms of sexuality which were replaced out of public discourse, normative definitions of proper behaviour earlier, in a present period are simply being reproduced, revitalised – thus constructing a vision of transformation.

Don Juan, one of the most popular cultural fgures in the Western civilization, has deserved the attention of philosophers relatively recently. Postmodernist reflections on the character of Don Juan refer to it as a ready-made construct whose implications are well-established. It indicates that the Don Juan fgure represents a certain cultural phenomenon in social consciousness. Tat image is an instrument of reflection on the social perception of human sexuality in general and attempts to systematize and govern it in particular. Te article suggests a reading of the Don Juan fgure in the light of Michel Foucault's theory of power, claiming that the meaning of the character of Don Juan lies in its power-based relations with his environment. Don Juan's domination over the society, over the women whom he violates, and over his own discourse are analysed in order to explore the methods of regulation that society applies on the sexuality of its members, and limits of individual freedom. Te article concludes that Don Juan is a political power-fgure, because he acts as an instrument of surveillance over the social male-female relationship. Te seduction process performed by Don Juan launches the inner surveillance apparatus of every individual – the female victim, her male protector (father, brother or any other), other members of Don Juan's society, as well as male and female members of his audience (i.e. the spectators, or the readers). Tat is, the article suggests, namely the power message that the Don Juan fgure broadcasts to the culture it acts in

Don Juan, one of the most popular cultural fgures in the Western civilization, has deserved the attention of philosophers relatively recently. Postmodernist reflections on the character of Don Juan refer to it as a ready-made construct whose implications are well-established. It indicates that the Don Juan fgure represents a certain cultural phenomenon in social consciousness. Tat image is an instrument of reflection on the social perception of human sexuality in general and attempts to systematize and govern it in particular. Te article suggests a reading of the Don Juan fgure in the light of Michel Foucault's theory of power, claiming that the meaning of the character of Don Juan lies in its power-based relations with his environment. Don Juan's domination over the society, over the women whom he violates, and over his own discourse are analysed in order to explore the methods of regulation that society applies on the sexuality of its members, and limits of individual freedom. Te article concludes that Don Juan is a political power-fgure, because he acts as an instrument of surveillance over the social male-female relationship. Te seduction process performed by Don Juan launches the inner surveillance apparatus of every individual – the female victim, her male protector (father, brother or any other), other members of Don Juan's society, as well as male and female members of his audience (i.e. the spectators, or the readers). Tat is, the article suggests, namely the power message that the Don Juan fgure broadcasts to the culture it acts in

The punk phenomenon has been both widely praised and criticized. For some, it has been the ultimate expression of youthful anger and rebellion, especially in the 1980s when the United States was once again returning to a white heteronormative value system and mass consumerism. For others, it is evidence of a postmodern condition where any rebellion is systematically appropriated and pacified through the consumer market. Punk subculture(s) have also been widely criticized both for their inability to live up to self-proclaimed ideals of egalitarianism and for their failure to break away from the social norms structuring larger society. In this paper, I take the rise of hardcore punk subcultures in the early 1980s and the diversification of punk, such as Riot Grrrl and Queercore, in the 1990s as a broad historical framework, while analyzing punk discourses throughout punk history in the US. In providing a broader overview of debates in various disciplines this paper aims to address some of the concerns over issues of the "holy family" of social sciences in the US, namely those of gender/sexuality, race, and class, while situating them within a historico-political context. It also discusses the theoretical considerations of subcultural and popular culture studies by analyzing primary and secondary materials within and about punk subcultures. It is common to assume that subculture, by its very nature, implies exclusivity: who is excluded and why may vary, but exclusions remain prevalent. However, in the neoliberal and identity politics era, these exclusions became more subtle even if more frequently addressed. [.]