Thinking outside the rainbow: women of color redefining queer politics and identity
In: Social identities: journal for the study of race, nation and culture, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 151-168
ISSN: 1363-0296
In: Social identities: journal for the study of race, nation and culture, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 151-168
ISSN: 1363-0296
The article examines, from a scientific, legal and ethical standpoint, the bill approved by the Spanish government to amend the law on abortion. The new law would guarantee abortion during the first fourteen weeks of pregnancy. As a result, abortion would go from being a crime to being a woman's right to terminate the life of her child. However, pursuant to constitutional doctrine and Constitutional Court Ruling 53/1985, the woman's right does not take absolute precedence over the life of the nasciturus, since that primacy assumes the disappearance of something that is not only protected constitutionally, but embodies a core value of the constitutional order.The article also reflects on abortion as a dilemma not only for the woman, but also for the unborn child, the father and society. Given the steady rise in abortions in Spain, it advocates legislation that is designed to protect the human being from the onset of life and the mother, as opposed to decriminalizing and favoring abortion. For that reason, it is urgent to promote legislation that offers the pregnant woman alternatives to abortion and public powers that guarantee protection for a woman who decides not to abort, by placing the necessary means at her disposal. Legislation of that sort would do justice to the unborn child and to the mother. Only then would abortion cease to be a completely isolated decision by the woman and become an informed, educated and free choice. Failure to promote genuine alternatives to abortion is equivalent to steering the pregnant woman and her partner towards the tragedy of abortion.The article is based on a descriptive and interdisciplinary study of the key scientific, legal and ethical issues that are involved in this topic. ; El artículo examina, desde un punto de vista científico, jurídico y ético, el Proyecto de Ley aprobado por el Gobierno español para la reforma de la ley del aborto.La nueva Ley garantizaría abortar hasta las primeras catorce semanas de gestación. De esta manera, el aborto pasaría de la consideración del delito a derecho de la mujer a acabar con la vida de su hijo. Sin embargo, atendiendo a la doctrina constitucional y a la sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional 53/1985, el derecho de la mujer no puede tener primacía absoluta sobre la vida del nasciturus, dado que dicha prevalencia supone la desaparición de un bien no sólo constitucionalmente protegido, sino que encarna un valor central del ordenamiento constitucional.El trabajo también se detiene en la consideración del aborto como un drama no sólo para la mujer, sino también para el no nacido, el padre y la sociedad. Urge, ante el aumento progresivo de abortos en España, una legislación que en lugar de despenalizar y favorecer el aborto, proteja al ser humano desde el inicio de su vida y a la madre gestante. Por tanto, apremia impulsar una legislación que presente a la mujer embarazada alternativas al aborto y unos poderes públicos que garanticen la protección de la mujer que decide no abortar, poniendo a su disposición cuantos medios sean necesarios. Esa legislación sí haría justicia con el no nacido y su madre. Sólo así el aborto dejaría de ser una decisión de la mujer en el mayor de los aislamientos para convertirse en una elección informada, formada y libre. De lo contrario, no promover alternativas reales al aborto es abocar a la mujer embarazada y a su pareja a la tragedia del aborto.Este artículo se desarrolla desde un estudio descriptivo e interdisciplinar de las claves científicas, jurídicas y éticas que concurren en este tema. ; Neste artigo se analisa, desde uma perspectiva científica, jurídica e ética, o projeto de lei aprovado pelo governo espanhol para reformar a lei do aborto. A nova lei permitiria abortar até as primeiras 14 semanas da gestação. Portanto, o aborto deixaria de ser delito e se transformaria em um direito da mulher para terminar a vida do seu filho. No entanto, seguindo a doutrina constitucional e a sentencia 53/1985 do Tribunal Constitucional, o direito da mulher no pode primar absolutamente sobre a vida dos nascituros, já que essa prevalência supõe a desaparição de um bem não só protegido constitucionalmente, mas que também representa um valor importante do ordenamento constitucional.O trabalho também considera o aborto como uma tragédia não só para as mulheres, mas também para o não nascido, o pai e a sociedade. Dado o aumento progressivo de abortos em Espanha, se requere uma legislação que em vez de descriminalizar o aborto e promovê-lo, proteja aos seres humanos desde o início de sua vida e à mãe grávida. Portanto, é urgente impelir uma legislação que dê as gestantes alternativas ao aborto e poderes públicos assegurar a proteção da mulher que decide abortar, disponibilizando todos os meios necessários. Essa legislação faria justiça ao não nascido e à sua mãe. Só então o aborto seria uma decisão informada, formada e livre. Caso contrário, não promovem verdadeiras alternativas ao aborto é condenar a mulher grávida e a seu esposo para a tragédia do aborto.Este artigo foi desenvolvido a partir de um estudo descritivo e interdisciplinar das chaves científicas, éticas e jurídicas envolvidas nesta questão.
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In: Labour history review, Band 74, Heft 1, S. 27-43
ISSN: 1745-8188
In: Política y sociedad: revista de la Universidad Complutense, Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Sociología, Band 46, Heft 1-2, S. 57-77
ISSN: 1130-8001
In: Development: journal of the Society for International Development (SID), Band 52, Heft 1, S. 84-90
ISSN: 1461-7072
In: RETHINKING EQUALITY PROJECTS IN LAW: FEMINIST CHALLENGES, Rosemary Hunter, ed., Hart Publishing, pp. 105-124, 2008
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In: Georgetown Law Journal, Band 97, S. 1155
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This essay examines the changing social and political meaning of surrogacy contracts over the twenty years since this issue first attracted public attention in the context of the Baby M case in the 1980s. In the protracted course of the Baby M litigation, surrogacy was effectively framed as illegitimate commodification - baby selling and the exploitation of women. This framing can be attributed to a moral panic generated by the media, politicians and a coalition of interest groups opposing surrogacy - primarily feminists and religious conservatives. The framing of surrogacy as commodification had far reaching effects on legal regulation. In the post-Baby M period, lawmakers in many states moved to prohibit or severely restrict surrogacy arrangements. In recent years, however, the framing of surrogacy as commodification has been replaced to a large extent by a more benign characterization which emphasizes the useful service provided by surrogates to childless couples. Further, over the past decade, regulators increasingly have focused on the goal of reducing uncertainty and providing procedures to efficiently establish the parental status of intended parents. This essay seeks to explain these changes. Several factors have been important: First, hostility to surrogacy has declined because the moral panic has dissipated as many of the predicted harms have not been realized. Further, advances in in vitro fertilization (IVF) have expanded the use of gestational surrogacy, which is less readily framed as commodification and thus, more palatable than traditional surrogacy. Finally, the interest group dynamic has changed: Women's groups have withdrawn, plausibly because the kinds of arguments made against surrogacy increasingly were adopted by anti-abortion advocates. These conditions have contributed to a political climate in which lawmakers have adopted a pragmatic approach, regulating with a goal of minimizing the social cost of surrogacy.
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In: Societies without borders, Band 2, Heft 1, S. 75-92
ISSN: 1872-1915
The Latino Body tells the story of the United States Latino body politic and its relation to the state: how the state configures Latino subjects and how Latino subjects have in turn altered the state. Lázaro Lima charts the interrelated groups that define themselves as Latinos and examines how these groups have responded to calls for unity and nationally shared conceptions of American cultural identity. He contends that their responses, in times of cultural or political crisis, have given rise to profound cultural transformations, enabling the so-called "Latino subject" to emerge. Analyzing a variety of cultural, literary, artistic, and popular texts from the nineteenth century to the present, Lima dissects the ways in which the Latino body has been imagined, dismembered, and reimagined anew, providing one of the first comprehensive accounts of the construction of Latino cultural identity in the United States. ; https://scholarship.richmond.edu/bookshelf/1097/thumbnail.jpg
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In: Latin American research review: LARR ; the journal of the Latin American Studies Association (LASA), Band 40, Heft 3, S. 230-243
ISSN: 0023-8791
In: Review of Indonesian and Malaysian affairs: RIMA, Band 37, Heft 1, S. 17-44
ISSN: 0034-6594, 0815-7251
In: Reza Banakar and Max Travers eds. An Introduction to Law and Social Theory, Hart, 2002, 135-154.
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In: Organization: the critical journal of organization, theory and society, Band 5, Heft 1, S. 7-26
ISSN: 1350-5084
In: Pacific studies, Band 20, Heft 3, S. 81-103
ISSN: 0275-3596