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Many domains have an interest in studying the stances expressed online, whether for marketing, cybersecurity or research with the rise of the digital humanities. In this manuscript, we propose two contributions to the field of stance detection, focusing on the difficulty of obtaining quality annotated data on social media. Our first contribution is a large and complex dataset of 22,853 active Twitter profiles during the 2017 French presidential campaign. This is one of the few datasets considering more than two stances and, to our knowledge, the first with a large number of profiles and the first proposing overlapping political communities. This dataset can be used as-is to study campaign mechanisms on Twitter or to evaluate stance detection models or network analysis tools. We then propose two semi-supervised generic stance detection models, using a handful of seed profiles, for which we know the stance, in order to categorize the rest of the profiles by exploiting different inter-profile proximities. Indeed, the current models are generally based on the specificities of certain social platforms, which does not allow the integration of the multitude of available signals. By building proximities from different types of elements available on social media, we can detect profiles close enough to assume that they share a similar stance on a given subject, regardless of the platform. Our first model is a sequential model propagating the stances thanks to a multilayer graph representing the proximities between the profiles. Using datasets from two platforms, we show that by combining several types of proximity, we can correctly label 98% of the profiles. Our second model allows us to observe the evolution of the profiles' stances during an event, with only one profile-seed per point of view. This model confirms that the vast majority of profiles do not change positions on social media, or do not express their change of opinion. ; De nombreux domaines ont intérêt à étudier les points de vue exprimés en ligne, que ce ...

Many domains have an interest in studying the stances expressed online, whether for marketing, cybersecurity or research with the rise of the digital humanities. In this manuscript, we propose two contributions to the field of stance detection, focusing on the difficulty of obtaining quality annotated data on social media. Our first contribution is a large and complex dataset of 22,853 active Twitter profiles during the 2017 French presidential campaign. This is one of the few datasets considering more than two stances and, to our knowledge, the first with a large number of profiles and the first proposing overlapping political communities. This dataset can be used as-is to study campaign mechanisms on Twitter or to evaluate stance detection models or network analysis tools. We then propose two semi-supervised generic stance detection models, using a handful of seed profiles, for which we know the stance, in order to categorize the rest of the profiles by exploiting different inter-profile proximities. Indeed, the current models are generally based on the specificities of certain social platforms, which does not allow the integration of the multitude of available signals. By building proximities from different types of elements available on social media, we can detect profiles close enough to assume that they share a similar stance on a given subject, regardless of the platform. Our first model is a sequential model propagating the stances thanks to a multilayer graph representing the proximities between the profiles. Using datasets from two platforms, we show that by combining several types of proximity, we can correctly label 98% of the profiles. Our second model allows us to observe the evolution of the profiles' stances during an event, with only one profile-seed per point of view. This model confirms that the vast majority of profiles do not change positions on social media, or do not express their change of opinion. ; De nombreux domaines ont intérêt à étudier les points de vue exprimés en ligne, que ce ...

Many domains have an interest in studying the stances expressed online, whether for marketing, cybersecurity or research with the rise of the digital humanities. In this manuscript, we propose two contributions to the field of stance detection, focusing on the difficulty of obtaining quality annotated data on social media. Our first contribution is a large and complex dataset of 22,853 active Twitter profiles during the 2017 French presidential campaign. This is one of the few datasets considering more than two stances and, to our knowledge, the first with a large number of profiles and the first proposing overlapping political communities. This dataset can be used as-is to study campaign mechanisms on Twitter or to evaluate stance detection models or network analysis tools. We then propose two semi-supervised generic stance detection models, using a handful of seed profiles, for which we know the stance, in order to categorize the rest of the profiles by exploiting different inter-profile proximities. Indeed, the current models are generally based on the specificities of certain social platforms, which does not allow the integration of the multitude of available signals. By building proximities from different types of elements available on social media, we can detect profiles close enough to assume that they share a similar stance on a given subject, regardless of the platform. Our first model is a sequential model propagating the stances thanks to a multilayer graph representing the proximities between the profiles. Using datasets from two platforms, we show that by combining several types of proximity, we can correctly label 98% of the profiles. Our second model allows us to observe the evolution of the profiles' stances during an event, with only one profile-seed per point of view. This model confirms that the vast majority of profiles do not change positions on social media, or do not express their change of opinion. ; De nombreux domaines ont intérêt à étudier les points de vue exprimés en ligne, que ce ...

Many domains have an interest in studying the stances expressed online, whether for marketing, cybersecurity or research with the rise of the digital humanities. In this manuscript, we propose two contributions to the field of stance detection, focusing on the difficulty of obtaining quality annotated data on social media. Our first contribution is a large and complex dataset of 22,853 active Twitter profiles during the 2017 French presidential campaign. This is one of the few datasets considering more than two stances and, to our knowledge, the first with a large number of profiles and the first proposing overlapping political communities. This dataset can be used as-is to study campaign mechanisms on Twitter or to evaluate stance detection models or network analysis tools. We then propose two semi-supervised generic stance detection models, using a handful of seed profiles, for which we know the stance, in order to categorize the rest of the profiles by exploiting different inter-profile proximities. Indeed, the current models are generally based on the specificities of certain social platforms, which does not allow the integration of the multitude of available signals. By building proximities from different types of elements available on social media, we can detect profiles close enough to assume that they share a similar stance on a given subject, regardless of the platform. Our first model is a sequential model propagating the stances thanks to a multilayer graph representing the proximities between the profiles. Using datasets from two platforms, we show that by combining several types of proximity, we can correctly label 98% of the profiles. Our second model allows us to observe the evolution of the profiles' stances during an event, with only one profile-seed per point of view. This model confirms that the vast majority of profiles do not change positions on social media, or do not express their change of opinion. ; De nombreux domaines ont intérêt à étudier les points de vue exprimés en ligne, que ce ...

The author analyses attitudes and perceptions of the privacy of young adults during their use of socionumeric networks. His study shows that there are tensions between forms of visibility as recognition and those deployed by supervisors to exercise social control. These young adults are experimenting with collision and contextual collusion. It is important to take into account the social and contextual dimension of privacy in the development of privacy policies. ; International audience The author analyzes young adults' attitudes and perceptions of privacy with regard to their use of digital social networks. Her study shows that there are tensions between visibility as a form of recognition and visibility as a way for people of authority to exercise social control. These young adults are experiencing a collision and collusion of context. It is important to take into account the social and contextual dimension of privacy in the development of privacy policies. ; The author analyses attitudes and perceptions of the privacy of young adults during their use of socionumeric networks. His study shows that there are tensions between forms of visibility as recognition and those deployed by supervisors to exercise social control. These young adults are experimenting with collision and contextual collusion. It is important to take into account the social and contextual dimension of privacy in the development of privacy policies. ; L'auteure analyse les attitudes et les perceptions de la vie privée des jeunes adultes au cours de leurs usages des réseaux socionumériques. Son étude montre qu'il existe des tensions entre les formes de visibilité en tant que reconnaissance et celles qui sont déployées par les surveillants pour exercer le contrôle social. Ces jeunes adultes expérimentent la collision et la collusion de contexte. Il importe de prendre en compte la dimension sociale et contextuelle de la vie privée dans la constitution des politiques de confidentialité.

Since long back, traditional media produced by and for immigrant and ethnic minorities, have been the preferred communication tools of these communities. Through the democratization of the access to new technologies such as Internet and 'the Web', and in particular through the expansion of social networks, these minorities have become consumers and producers of user generated content. Such tools also allow them to stay in contact with their relatives and the members of their community in the adopted country. Thus, this media has a double function: it facilitates keeping in touch with the user's community, and it provides a means for sharing information relevant for the latter. Moreover, the social dimension of these digital tools gives them a third functionality: it establishes connections with the society of the foster country. Thanks to this online sociability, a relation is formed and this contributes to the integration of the communities within their new social, linguistic and cultural environment. In order to study this potential integration process, I have since 2011 worked with teenage members of a Cape Verdean community living in Nice, France. The objective has been to analyze their social networking online and offline, and their use of Facebook. From a methodological standpoint, this study has been conducted by the use of social network ethnography and of Netnography. The work is the results of seven years of observations of practices in the online and offline worlds, with the objective to provide an understanding of how social media can contribute to the integration of ethnic and immigrant minorities in France. ; Les médias produits par et/ou pour les minorités ethniques et immigrantes (au sens traditionnel du terme) ont longtemps été l'outil de communication des privilégiés de ces groupes. Avec la démocratisation de l'accès aux nouvelles technologies dont Internet et le Web, et surtout avec l'expansion des médias socio-numériques, ces minorités ont pu devenir consommatrices mais aussi productrices de ...

Since long back, traditional media produced by and for immigrant and ethnic minorities, have been the preferred communication tools of these communities. Through the democratization of the access to new technologies such as Internet and 'the Web', and in particular through the expansion of social networks, these minorities have become consumers and producers of user generated content. Such tools also allow them to stay in contact with their relatives and the members of their community in the adopted country. Thus, this media has a double function: it facilitates keeping in touch with the user's community, and it provides a means for sharing information relevant for the latter. Moreover, the social dimension of these digital tools gives them a third functionality: it establishes connections with the society of the foster country. Thanks to this online sociability, a relation is formed and this contributes to the integration of the communities within their new social, linguistic and cultural environment. In order to study this potential integration process, I have since 2011 worked with teenage members of a Cape Verdean community living in Nice, France. The objective has been to analyze their social networking online and offline, and their use of Facebook. From a methodological standpoint, this study has been conducted by the use of social network ethnography and of Netnography. The work is the results of seven years of observations of practices in the online and offline worlds, with the objective to provide an understanding of how social media can contribute to the integration of ethnic and immigrant minorities in France. ; Les médias produits par et/ou pour les minorités ethniques et immigrantes (au sens traditionnel du terme) ont longtemps été l'outil de communication des privilégiés de ces groupes. Avec la démocratisation de l'accès aux nouvelles technologies dont Internet et le Web, et surtout avec l'expansion des médias socio-numériques, ces minorités ont pu devenir consommatrices mais aussi productrices de contenus numériques. Ces dispositifs leur permettent également de garder le contact avec leurs proches et les membres de leur communauté dans le pays d'accueil. Ces médias revêtent donc aujourd'hui une double fonction : garder le lien avec leur communauté et diffuser des informations présentant un intérêt pour elle. Par ailleurs, la dimension sociale de ces outils numériques leur confère une troisième fonction : celle d'établir des liens avec la société de leur pays d'accueil. Grâce à cette sociabilité en ligne, une relation se construit, et elle contribué à l'intégration de ces communautés au sein de leur nouvel environnement social, linguistique et culturel. Pour étudier ce potentiel processus d'intégration, nous avons travaillé depuis 2011 avec les membres adolescents d'une communauté cap-verdienne résidente dans la ville de Nice, afin d'analyser leur réseau social en ligne et hors ligne et leurs pratiques du réseau socio-numérique Facebook. Par l'usage de l'ethnographie des réseaux sociaux et de la netnographie, nous avons étudié leurs pratiques pendant sept ans et essayé de comprendre dans quelle mesure ces dispositifs pourraient contribuer à l'intégration des minorités ethniques et immigrantes en France.

In 2011 Judith McHale presented the "Arab Spring" and access to information through social networks as a double electroshock that would profoundly change US public diplomacy. However, other forces were at work. Diplomatic communication incorporating social media was theorised, debated, promoted and promoted well ahead of the 'jasmine revolution'. On the one hand, the communication paradigm underlying the type of public diplomacy practised by the sister Bush government was indeed inadequate in the Middle East. On the other hand, social networks were in the atmosphere during the first Obama mandate. Facebook, Twitter and other apps were therefore integrated into US diplomatic communication, but cautiously. In short, just like diplomacy, public diplomacy is changing, not a revolution. ; International audience ; In 2011 Judith McHale presented the "Arab Spring" and access to information through social networks as a double electroshock that would profoundly change US public diplomacy. However, other forces were at work. Diplomatic communication incorporating social media was theorised, debated, promoted and promoted well ahead of the 'jasmine revolution'. On the one hand, the communication paradigm underlying the type of public diplomacy practised by the sister Bush government was indeed inadequate in the Middle East. On the other hand, social networks were in the atmosphere during the first Obama mandate. Facebook, Twitter and other apps were therefore integrated into US diplomatic communication, but cautiously. In short, just like diplomacy, public diplomacy is changing, not a revolution. ; En 2011, Judith McHale présenta le « Printemps arabe » et l'accès à l'information que permettaient les réseaux sociaux comme un double électrochoc qui allait profondément modifier la diplomatie publique (public diplomacy) des États-Unis. Or, d'autres forces étaient à l'œuvre. Une communication diplomatique incorporant les réseaux sociaux fut théorisée, débattue, mise en avant et promue bien en amont de la « révolution de jasmin ...

Intro -- Adapter sa communication aux réseaux sociaux -- B.a.-ba du parfait animateur de réseaux sociaux -- Un nouveau type de communication -- Avantages des réseaux sociaux -- Risques et difficultés -- Un réseau, un ton -- Top conseils -- FAQ -- À quelle fréquence faut-il publier sur les réseaux sociaux ? -- Comment dynamiser un compte endormi ? -- Faut-il dire « je » ou « nous » ? Au nom de qui faut-il s'exprimer ? -- Comment réagir face aux commentaires agressifs, calomnieux ou diffamatoires ? -- Que se passe-t-il si l'on sort des conditions d'utilisation ? -- Est-ce que les réseaux sociaux peuvent réutiliser les données publiées ? -- Dois-je faire intervenir les réseaux sociaux dans les contrats de travail de mes salariés ? -- Est-il indispensable d'embaucher un Community Manager pour exploiter les réseaux sociaux ? -- À vous de jouer ! -- Pour aller plus loin.

International audience ; In this article, we propose to map an online social movement, and more precisely the Yellow Vests movement, through different online platforms (Facebook, Twitter and YouTube) to draw its atlas. Our objective is twofold: to describe the activity of the Yellow Vests in Facebook groups in all their variety on the one hand, and to defend a methodological approach which mixes as much as possible the traces collected from different digital platforms on the other hand. The Yellow Vests Facebook groups will constitute our privileged observation post of the movement. The examination of the content of posts published on Facebook, coupled with the analysis of the numerous metadata on groups allows us to delimit the contours of the movement's claim-space and its aggregation dynamics. Exploitation of the links shared in these publications, on the other hand, give relief to our atlas, as we use them attribute political labels to Facebook groups. The political label of links is calculated according to their usage on Twitter and ideology inference using the follower-followee network. The way the Yellow Vests refer to external sources on the web – whether websites or YouTube channels – also sheds light on their relationship with the media. We rely on an existing characterization of the most used media in the digital public space to grasp their relationship to mainstream, militant media (whether right or left) or to the counter-informational space. The analysis of these practices of media use shows that the Yellow Vests build their discourse by relying largely on media and the so-called "alternative" expression platforms (auto-media, videos, live, etc.) Overall, we note a great geographic and ideological plurality, but also a heterogeneous and constantly evolving repertoire of demands. However, a form of political opposition to power unites our groups which also cultivate a rejection of the modes of representation of the movement made by the traditional media. ; Dans cet article, nous proposons de ...

International audience ; In this article, we propose to map an online social movement, and more precisely the Yellow Vests movement, through different online platforms (Facebook, Twitter and YouTube) to draw its atlas. Our objective is twofold: to describe the activity of the Yellow Vests in Facebook groups in all their variety on the one hand, and to defend a methodological approach which mixes as much as possible the traces collected from different digital platforms on the other hand. The Yellow Vests Facebook groups will constitute our privileged observation post of the movement. The examination of the content of posts published on Facebook, coupled with the analysis of the numerous metadata on groups allows us to delimit the contours of the movement's claim-space and its aggregation dynamics. Exploitation of the links shared in these publications, on the other hand, give relief to our atlas, as we use them attribute political labels to Facebook groups. The political label of links is calculated according to their usage on Twitter and ideology inference using the follower-followee network. The way the Yellow Vests refer to external sources on the web – whether websites or YouTube channels – also sheds light on their relationship with the media. We rely on an existing characterization of the most used media in the digital public space to grasp their relationship to mainstream, militant media (whether right or left) or to the counter-informational space. The analysis of these practices of media use shows that the Yellow Vests build their discourse by relying largely on media and the so-called "alternative" expression platforms (auto-media, videos, live, etc.) Overall, we note a great geographic and ideological plurality, but also a heterogeneous and constantly evolving repertoire of demands. However, a form of political opposition to power unites our groups which also cultivate a rejection of the modes of representation of the movement made by the traditional media. ; Dans cet article, nous proposons de ...

International audience ; In this article, we propose to map an online social movement, and more precisely the Yellow Vests movement, through different online platforms (Facebook, Twitter and YouTube) to draw its atlas. Our objective is twofold: to describe the activity of the Yellow Vests in Facebook groups in all their variety on the one hand, and to defend a methodological approach which mixes as much as possible the traces collected from different digital platforms on the other hand. The Yellow Vests Facebook groups will constitute our privileged observation post of the movement. The examination of the content of posts published on Facebook, coupled with the analysis of the numerous metadata on groups allows us to delimit the contours of the movement's claim-space and its aggregation dynamics. Exploitation of the links shared in these publications, on the other hand, give relief to our atlas, as we use them attribute political labels to Facebook groups. The political label of links is calculated according to their usage on Twitter and ideology inference using the follower-followee network. The way the Yellow Vests refer to external sources on the web – whether websites or YouTube channels – also sheds light on their relationship with the media. We rely on an existing characterization of the most used media in the digital public space to grasp their relationship to mainstream, militant media (whether right or left) or to the counter-informational space. The analysis of these practices of media use shows that the Yellow Vests build their discourse by relying largely on media and the so-called "alternative" expression platforms (auto-media, videos, live, etc.) Overall, we note a great geographic and ideological plurality, but also a heterogeneous and constantly evolving repertoire of demands. However, a form of political opposition to power unites our groups which also cultivate a rejection of the modes of representation of the movement made by the traditional media. ; Dans cet article, nous proposons de ...