Polazeći od činjenice da su brzo širenje virusa SARS-CoV-2 i provedba strategija socijalnog distanciranja dramatično utjecali na sve aspekte života ljudi na globalnoj, nacionalnoj i mikro razini, ovaj rad se fokusira na ispitivanje utjecaja pandemije COVID-19 na gospodarski učinak odabranih europskih zemalja. Kako bi se uočio i razumio ovaj utjecaj, korištena je složena metodologija istraživanja koja se temelji na kombiniranoj primjeni prikladnih univarijatnih i multivarijatnih metoda statističke analize. Klasifikacija 40 europskih zemalja u različite grupe u pogledu odabranog seta COVID-19 pokazatelja u 2020. godini izvršena je primjenom hijerarhijske aglomerativne klaster analize, dok je za statističku ocjenu kvalitete dobivenog rješenja korišten ne-hijerarhijski postupak baziran na k-means metodi. Klasifikacija koja se sastoji od četiri klastera zemalja identificirana je kao "optimalno" rješenje. Analiza i usporedba profila formiranih klastera zemalja s obzirom na njihove prosječne stope rasta BDP-a u 2020. godini provodi se statističkim metodama deskriptivne analize i testiranja hipoteza. Provedeno istraživanje otkriva da je klaster zemalja s relativno "manjom" ozbiljnošću COVID-19 zdravstvenih posljedica zabilježio višu prosječnu stopu rasta BDP-a u usporedbi s klasterima zemalja koje su pretrpjele teže posljedice, i obratno. Dobiveni rezultati koji upućuju na povezanost veličine negativnih zdravstvenih i gospodarskih posljedica COVID-19 pandemije mogu poslužiti kao dodatna potpora kreatorima politike u donošenju odluka usmjerenih na ublažavanje posljedica pandemije i suzbijanje krize. ; Starting from the fact that the rapid spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus and the implementation of social distancing strategies have dramatically affected all aspects of human lives at global, national, and micro levels, this paper focuses on examining the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the economic performance of selected European countries. To perceive and understand this impact, the authors applied a complex research ...
This paper aims to present the development of the social dimension of higher education and the importance of developing social support through competent and professional counselling for students. The establishment of the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) and the social dimension of higher education dedicated to student support ensued from the acknowledged need to advance higher education in the European Union. Along with different measures of student support (such as financial aid, streamlined administrative requirements for admission, institutional support in housing, transportation, food, and health care), social support services, such as guidance and counselling, equally represent a significant aspect of the social dimension. Dedicated institutional structures provide formal social support such as student counselling centres, which offer individual or group counselling and support students in overcoming the challenges of the academic experience. Finally, the activities concerning the social dimension of higher education focus on vulnerable groups, as well as the role and the importance of further developing counselling support at higher education institutions in Croatia. ; Cilj je rada prikazati razvoj socijalne dimenzije visokoga obrazovanja te važnost razvoja socijalne podrške kroz stručno i profesionalno savjetovanje namijenjeno studentima. Svijest o potrebi unaprjeđenja visokoga obrazovanja u Europskoj uniji vodila je utemeljenju jedinstvenoga područja europskoga obrazovanja tzv. EHEA (European High Educatian Area) i unutar njega, posebnoga područja koje se bavi podrškom studiranju kroz tzv. socijalnu dimenziju visokoga obrazovanja. Uz različite mjere pomoći studentima u vidu financijskih potpora, jednostavnijih i olakšanih administrativnih pravila upisa, institucijske podrške u vidu stanovanja, prijevoza, hrane i zdravstvene pomoći. Važan dio te socijalne dimenzije odnosi se na usluge pružanja socijalne podrške u smislu usmjeravanja i savjetovanja. Formalna socijalna podrška ostvaruje se preko specijaliziranih institucionalnih usluga kao što su studentska savjetovališta koja nude usluge individualnoga ili grupnoga savjetovanja i pomaganja studentima u prevladavanju izazova na koje nailaze u akademskom životu. Zaključno rad kroz socijalnu dimenziju visokoga obrazovanja stavlja fokus na ranjive skupine te ulogu i važnost daljnjega razvoja savjetovališne podrške na visokim učilištima u Hrvatskoj.
U današnje vrijeme sve više raste važnost održivog poslovanja. Razlog tome su klimatske promjene koje dolaze kao posljedica zagađivanja okoliša. Upravo su poduzeća jedni od najvećih zagađivača, a među njima se ističu naftna poduzeća. Industrija nafte svojim poslovanjem ispušta štetne emisije u okoliš, doprinosi gomilanju otpada te utječe na živote ljudi i životinja. Budući da su naftne tvrtke jedne od najvećih i najprofitabilnijih u svijetu, imaju veliku odgovornost da svojim poslovanjem doprinose socijalnom i ekološkom blagostanju. Neki predviđaju da se naftnoj industriji bliži skori kraj, ali mi se ne slažemo sa tom tezom. Treba još puno napora i novaca uložiti u istraživanje i razvoj kako bi se našao savršeni supstitut nafti. Isto tako, pretpostavke su da rezervi nafte ima na raspolaganju do kraja ovog stoljeća. Također, naftne kompanije sve više ulažu u proizvodnju alternativnih oblika energije. Dakle, iako se nafta iscrpi, kompanije će lako prijeći na alternativu. Upravo zbog svojih velikih profita one su jedne od rijetkih koje imaju mogućnost uložiti u istraživanje i razvoj obnovljivih oblika energije te su kao takve već u startu u prednosti. Zbog svjesnosti svoga utjecaja, naftne kompanije sve više ulažu u programe i projekte koji smanjuju zagađenje okoliša i povećavaju dobrobit lokalne zajednice. Da bi se takvi ciljevi nastavili realizirati potrebno je oblikovati strategiju koja usklađuje vrijednosti koje privlače kupce, dobit i motiviranost radnika. Odnosno, potrebno je uskladiti bio/fizičku, ekonomsku, socijalnu i tehnološku održivost. Ulaganje u tehnologiju može omogućiti učinkovitiju upotrebu goriva na bazi nafte, ali i osmisliti rješenja koja pristupaju drugim izvorima energije. Hrvatska industrija nafte je na dobrom putu da postigne takvu vrstu održivosti. U 2019. godini poduzeća su poduzela razne akcije kako bi doprinijela postizanju ekonomske, ekološke i socijalne održivosti. Znamo da se pri postizanju ekonomskih, socijalnih i ekoloških ciljeva, mora se postići i četvrti cilj: dobra vladavina. To ...
O razlozima iseljavanja iz Hrvatske do sada se najčešće pisalo s aspekta politike useljavanja u pojedine države, a manje politike iseljavanja iz domovine. Ovim se radom stoga žele pokazati razvojne faze iseljeničkoga režima u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji/Hrvatskoj, što će se pratiti preko angažmana mjerodavnih institucija u Hrvatskoj s posebnim naglaskom na ulogu Komisije za iseljenička pitanja. U analizi će poslužiti fondovi Hrvatskoga državnog arhiva vezani uz institucije (uprava i javne službe), pisma iseljenika za emisiju Radio-televizije Zagreb "Našim građanima u svijetu", kao i anketni upitnici radnika na privremenom radu u Saveznoj Republici Njemačkoj. Na temelju navedenih izvora želi se dokazati da se vlast u socijalističkoj Hrvatskoj brinula o sudbini iseljenika i povratnika, ali i radnih migranata (gastarbajtera), otvarajući prostor za ono što danas nazivamo javno-privatnim partnerstvom u pružanju usluga migrantima. ; The reasons for emigration from Croatia have thus far been analysed mostly from the aspect of immigration policy, but less often from the aspect of the policies of emigration to individual countries. Therefore, it was not even possible to monitor the continuity of Croatian policy towards the emigration, whose connections with previous periods significantly influenced the phases of emigration and return of the population in the socialist period. Precisely for this reason, the aim of this paper is to present a broader picture of the reaction of socialist Yugoslavia/Croatia to the emigration and the return of the population in the period from 1945 to 1970. This was monitored through the reactions of the government and the administrative apparatus (institutions and legislation), with special reference to the involvement of relevant institutions (administrations and public services) in Croatia, which played a key role in organising activities related to emigration and return. Among them, the Commission for Emigrant Issues stood out the most, having one of the more complex roles related to emigration/return observed through its scope, adopting normative acts, and cooperating with other institutions in Croatia (Croatian Heritage Foundation, Radio-Television Zagreb, Institute for Migration, Section of Social Psychology, University of Zagreb). Of particular interest was the cooperation with the last on the development of an emigrant survey, which was the beginning of sociological, economic, and socio-psychological research on the phenomenon of work outside the homeland (or guest worker experience). Based on the analysis, we prove that the government in socialist Croatia cared about the fate of emigrants and returnees by making room for what we now call public-private partnerships in providing services to emigrants—in other words, that emigration policy played an important role in building a welfare state in Yugoslavia/Croatia. Therefore, the approach to the topic was based on works in the field of social policy, while the analysis was made using the funds of the Croatian State Archives related to institutions (administrations and public services), letters from emigrants for the Radio-Television Zagreb show To Our Citizens in the World, and survey questionnaires for temporary workers in the Federal Republic of Germany.
Ciljevi ovog istraživanja su bili utvrditi postoji li među studentima sklonost prema impulzivnoj kupovini te spoznati postoje li razlike u sklonosti s obzirom na različite demografske karakteristike uzorka. Cilj je također bio i proučiti prisutnost različitih stavova prema novcu i utvrditi postoji li razlika u sklonosti prema impulzivnoj kupovini s obzirom na stavove prema novcu. Rezultati dobiveni anketnim istraživanjem su pokazali kako veći dio uzorka ima sklonost prema impulzivnom kupovnom ponašanju, pri čemu je kognitivni aspekt sklonosti prema impulzivnoj kupovini izraženiji. Što se tiče stavova prema novcu, istraživanje je pokazalo kako kod većine ispitanika iz uzorka nisu prisutni proučavani stavovi, pri čemu je najmanja prisutnost zabilježena kod stava prema novcu kao sredstvu moći, a najveća kod stava prema novcu kao sredstvu za rješavanje anksioznosti. Od determinanti impulzivne kupovine, na dobivenim uzorku se nisu pokazale značajnima ni spol ni dohodak, a što se tiče stavova, značajnim se pokazao samo stav prema novcu kao sredstvu za rješavanje anksioznosti, gdje se pokazalo kako će osobe koje su anksioznije kada je novac u pitanju, imati i veću sklonost prema impulzivnom kupovnom ponašanju. Dodatak analizi je pokazao kako su osobe muškog spola sklonije biti anksiozne kada je novac u pitanju u odnosu na osobe ženskog spola, dok se prebivalište nije pokazalo značajnim za prisutnost ovog stava. ; This study's objectives were to determine whether there is a tendency among students towards impulse shopping and to know if there are differences in preferences according to the different demographic characteristics of the sample. The aim was also to study the presence of different attitudes towards money and determine whether there is a difference in preference for impulse buying regarding attitudes towards money. The results obtained by the survey showed that most of the sample had a tendency towards impulsive purchasing behavior, with the cognitive aspect of the tendency towards impulse buying more ...
Ciljevi ovog istraživanja su bili utvrditi postoji li među studentima sklonost prema impulzivnoj kupovini te spoznati postoje li razlike u sklonosti s obzirom na različite demografske karakteristike uzorka. Cilj je također bio i proučiti prisutnost različitih stavova prema novcu i utvrditi postoji li razlika u sklonosti prema impulzivnoj kupovini s obzirom na stavove prema novcu. Rezultati dobiveni anketnim istraživanjem su pokazali kako veći dio uzorka ima sklonost prema impulzivnom kupovnom ponašanju, pri čemu je kognitivni aspekt sklonosti prema impulzivnoj kupovini izraženiji. Što se tiče stavova prema novcu, istraživanje je pokazalo kako kod većine ispitanika iz uzorka nisu prisutni proučavani stavovi, pri čemu je najmanja prisutnost zabilježena kod stava prema novcu kao sredstvu moći, a najveća kod stava prema novcu kao sredstvu za rješavanje anksioznosti. Od determinanti impulzivne kupovine, na dobivenim uzorku se nisu pokazale značajnima ni spol ni dohodak, a što se tiče stavova, značajnim se pokazao samo stav prema novcu kao sredstvu za rješavanje anksioznosti, gdje se pokazalo kako će osobe koje su anksioznije kada je novac u pitanju, imati i veću sklonost prema impulzivnom kupovnom ponašanju. Dodatak analizi je pokazao kako su osobe muškog spola sklonije biti anksiozne kada je novac u pitanju u odnosu na osobe ženskog spola, dok se prebivalište nije pokazalo značajnim za prisutnost ovog stava. ; This study's objectives were to determine whether there is a tendency among students towards impulse shopping and to know if there are differences in preferences according to the different demographic characteristics of the sample. The aim was also to study the presence of different attitudes towards money and determine whether there is a difference in preference for impulse buying regarding attitudes towards money. The results obtained by the survey showed that most of the sample had a tendency towards impulsive purchasing behavior, with the cognitive aspect of the tendency towards impulse buying more ...
U ovom diplomskom radu na temu "Lisabonski ugovor i Europska unija" govorit ćemo o Ugovoru iz Lisabona kao jednom od Osnivačkih Ugovora Europske unije, ugovoru koji je posljednji donesen na razini Europske unije, ugovoru temeljem kojeg Europska unija u aktualnom obliku postoji te ugovoru koji je trenutno na snazi. Nakon osnovnih teza o Europskoj uniji (definiciji i nekim općim pojmovima), u prvom dijelu rada vidjet ćemo kako je došlo do Ugovora iz Lisabona, te koji su sve Osnivački Ugovori prethodili ovome koji je trenutno na snazi. U samoj razradi rada proći ćemo sve najvažnije aspekte Ugovora, te koliko se zapravo Europska unije mijenjala da bi došla do stanja kakvog je danas tj. po odredbama Ugovora iz Lisabona. Vidjet ćemo da put do Ugovora iz Lisabona nije bilo nimalo lagan, bio je trnovit, pun prepreka i protesta od pojedinih članica, posebice se to odnosi na neuspješni pokušaj Europskog Ustava koji je u pojedinim dijelovima Europe doveo čak i do kaosa. Da donošenje Ugovora nije bilo jednostavno ni bezbolno, dovoljno govori podatak da je, nakon što je potvrđen i ratificiran od strane Parlamenata svih 27 država članica potpisnika Ugovora, stupio na snagu tek dvije godine kasnije, 1. prosinca 2009. Razradom Lisabonskog ugovora praktički, dobit ćemo jedan mali prozor u to kako EU izgleda i funkcionira danas te što je to, u pozitivnom ili negativnom smislu, Europskoj uniji donio Lisabonski ugovor. ; In this dissertation on "Lisbon Treaty and the European Union" we will talk about the Treaty of Lisbon as one of the Founding Treaties of the European Union, the treaty last adopted at the level of the European Union, the treaty under which the European Union exists in its current form and which is currently in force. After the basic theses on the European Union (definition and some general terms), in the first part of the paper we will see how the Treaty of Lisbon came about, and which of the founding treaties preceded the one currently in force. In the elaboration of the paper, we will go through all the most important aspects of the Treaty, and how much the European Union has actually changed in order to reach the state it is today, ie according to the provisions of the Treaty of Lisbon. We will see that the road to the Treaty of Lisbon was not easy at all, it was thorny, full of obstacles and protests from some members, especially the failed attempt of the European Constitution which in some parts of Europe even led to chaos. The fact that the adoption of the Treaty was not simple or painless is sufficiently indicated by the fact that, after being confirmed and ratified by the Parliaments of all 27 signatory Member States, it entered into force only two years later, on 1 December 2009. We will have a small window into how the EU looks and works today and what the Treaty of Lisbon has brought to the European Union, in a positive or negative sense.
Poremećaj kockanja ponavljajuća je kockarska aktivnost koja narušava opće stanje ili uzrokuje značajan problem za osobu. Prevalencija je ove bolesti u svijetu između 0,01 i 10,6 % u odrasloj populaciji, a među adolescentima je i češća. Najvažniji su okidači poremećaja kockanja velika dostupnost i pristupačnost kockanja, odnosno mogućnost kockanja online. Veći rizik za nastanak ovog poremećaja imaju muškarci, samci, osobe u socijalno depriviranoj okolini. Međutim, kao kritično razdoblje osjetljivosti mozga za razvoj ovisnosti pa tako i poremećaja kockanja nameće se doba adolescencije. U Hrvatskoj čak 12,9 % srednjoškolaca zadovoljava kriterije za problematično kockanje. Budući da poremećaj kockanja uzrokuje značajne psihosocijalne posljedice i da je povezan s brojnim psihičkim i fizičkim komorbiditetima, nužno je osmisliti kvalitetne preventivne intervencije. U svijetu i u našoj zemlji postoje brojni preventivni programi namijenjeni adolescentima, a najuspješniji su oni dužeg vremenskog trajanja koji obuhvaćaju multiple aspekte ovisnosti i utječu na promjene u ponašanju. Prevencija ove bolesti značajan je javnozdravstveni imperativ koji treba obuhvatiti pojedinca, obitelj, socijalno okruženje uz odgovarajuću zakonsku regulativu, financijsku podršku, interdisciplinarnu profesionalnu suradnju i znanstvenu evaluaciju učinkovitosti primijenjenih programa. ; Gambling disorder is a recurrent gambling activity that disrupts the general condition or causes a significant problem for a person. The prevalence estimates of this illness in the world range between 0.01 and 10.6% in the adult population, and it is even more common in adolescents. The most important triggers of gambling disorder are the high availability and accessibility of gambling, i.e., the possibility of online gambling. Men, single people, and people living in a socially deprived environment are at a higher risk of developing gambling disorder. However, the critical age of brain sensitivity for the development of addiction, including gambling disorder, is adolescence. In Croatia, as many as 12.9% of high school students meet the criteria for problem gambling. Given that gambling disorder causes significant psychosocial consequences and is associated with numerous psychic and physical comorbidities, it is necessary to design highquality preventive interventions. There are numerous preventive programmes in the world and in our country aimed at adolescents, the most successful being those of a longer duration that cover multiple aspects of addiction and affect changes in behaviour. Prevention of this disease is a significant public health imperative that should involve individuals, family, social environment and appropriate legislation, financial support, interdisciplinary professional cooperation and scientific evaluation of the effectiveness of the applied programmes.
Djelatna uloga Međunarodnoga odbora Crvenoga križa (MOCK) do izražaja dolazi u ratnim okolnostima u provođenju aktivnosti utemeljenih na međunarodnom ratnom pravu da bi se osigurala pomoć za sve ratne stradalnike. U osiguravanju uvjeta rada tijekom Drugoga svjetskog rata MOCK je pokušao uspostaviti službene odnose sa svim zaraćenim državama, odnosno svim vojnim snagama bez obzira na to je li im bio priznat status zaraćene strane. Stoga su u radu prikazani i napori koje je MOCK uložio u pokušaje da pripadnici Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije steknu službeni položaj zaraćene strane, odnosno službeni status ratnih zarobljenika, te da se na njih dosljedno primijene odredbe međunarodnoga ratnog prava. Usprkos prethodnim kontaktima MOCK je tek nakon imenovanja stalnoga predstavnika u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj (1943.) započeo opsežne aktivnosti u korist pripadnika partizanskoga pokreta Jugoslavije, od kojih su najvažnije bile praktična primjena odredaba međunarodnoga ratnog prava na zarobljene pripadnike partizanskih jedinica te osiguravanje raznih oblika pomoći. S istom je nakanom predstavnik MOCK-a uspostavio kontakt i s Vrhovnim štabom Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije, a suradnja je olakšana tek nakon potpisivanja sporazuma Tito-Šubašić, što je rezultiralo uspostavom službenih odnosa krajem 1944. godine. Na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva, objavljenih izvora i literature autor pokazuje i neke aspekte suradnje do završetka rata te u neposrednom poraću. ; The active role of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) comes to the fore in wartime circumstances, in carrying out activities based on international war law (the Geneva and Hague Conventions) regarding providing assistance to all war victims. In securing working conditions during World War II, the ICRC attempted to establish official relations with all belligerent parties regardless of whether they were or were not recognised as belligerent parties. Therefore, the author presents part of the ICRC efforts made in the process of recognising the international war law-regulated status of belligerent party to members of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia, i.e. the status of prisoners of war. Despite some earlier contacts, after the designation of a permanent representative to the Independent State of Croatia (1943), the ICRC launched extensive activities in favour of members of the Yugoslav Partisan movement, the most important of which was the practical application of the international law of war. Permanent representative Schmidlin constantly intervened in the ministries and the prime minister of the Independent State of Croatia through the Central Office of the Croatian Red Cross and as well through prominent figures in the political and social life of the State. However, although the Partisans de facto achieved the position of a belligerent party in their relations with the German military forces, this status was strongly opposed by the ISC authorities. Due to the change in the British attitude towards the Yugoslav Partisans, in the summer of 1943 the ICRC leadership ordered its permanent representative in Zagreb to establish contact with members of the People's Liberation Army of Yugoslavia as soon as possible. Very soon, Schmidlin contacted the Supreme Headquarters of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan detachments of Yugoslavia. In late November 1943, shortly after the beginning of the Allied Conference in Tehran, the ICRC leadership also received an Allied recommendation on the same subject. The existence of the Yugoslav Committee of the Red Cross in London, which had legitimacy and was the only recognised Yugoslav national Red Cross society, was a major problem in establishing relations between the ICRC and the Yugoslav Partisans. The ICRC leadership remained committed to not recognising the new societies created during the war. After the signing of the Tito-Šubašić agreement in mid-June 1944, the ICRC leadership changed its position, and representatives of the Yugoslav government and Marshal Tito sent several letters to the ICRC Permanent Delegation in London in late September and early October 1944. In those letters, they informed the ICRC leadership of the establishment of the Central Committee of the Yugoslav Red Cross on the island of Vis. At the same time, the Royal Yugoslav Red Cross Society in London was dissolved. All of this resulted in the unification of the national organisation of the Red Cross in Yugoslavia, which led to the establishment of official relations between the ICRC and Yugoslav Partisans at the end of 1944. Based on original archival sources and literature, the author points to some aspects of cooperation until the end of World War II and in the early post-war period. One of the main aspects of the ICRC's work during this period was the practical application of the provisions of the international law of war to prisoners of war in Yugoslavia. Tito himself made the same promises, though the Yugoslav Ministry of Social Policy made this conditional: they would be applied only if it was proven that captured members of the Partisan movement had been treated in the same way during the war. The treatment of prisoners of war in Yugoslavia could only be speculated about, and the authorities immediately refused to allow foreign diplomatic or ICRC representatives to gain insight into the treatment of prisoners of war. It is clear that the ICRC faced the same problems in its relations with the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia and the German Reich during the war and the Yugoslav authorities at the end of the war and in the immediate post-war period.
In Taiwan, the Confucian revival was always defined by the search for a synthesis between Western and traditional Confucian thought. Taiwanese Modern Confucians aimed to create a system of ideas and values capable of resolving modern, globalised societies' social and political problems. Mou Zongsan, the best-known member of the second generation of Modern New Confucianism, aimed to revive the Chinese philosophical tradition through a dialogue with Modern European philosophy, especially with the works of Immanuel Kant. His follower Lee Ming-huei is arguably the most renowned expert on Kantian philosophy in the entire Sinitic region. The present paper aims to compare their respective approaches and evaluate them in a broader context of modern Chinese thought. I will first introduce Mou Zongsan's elaborations on Kant. In the following, I will present the main aspects of Lee Ming-huei's development of Mou's theories and provide in later sections a critical assessment of Lee's philosophical innovation, focusing upon the evaluation of his conceptualisation of immanent transcendence and Confucian deontology. ; Konfucijsku je obnovu u Tajvanu odredila potraga za sintezom između zapadne i tradicionalne konfucijske misli. Tajvanski moderni konfucijanci smjerali su stvoriti sustav ideja i vrijednosti sposoban razriješiti socijalne i političke probleme suvremenog globalnog društva. Zongsan Mou, najpoznatiji član druge generacije suvremenog novog konfucijanizma, smjerao je oživjeti kinesku filozofijsku tradiciju kroz dijalog s modernom europskom filozofijom, naročito s radovima Immanuela Kanta. Njegov sljedbenik, Ming-huei Lee, diskutabilno je najuvaženiji stručnjak za Kantovu filozofiju u čitavoj sinitičkoj regiji. Ovaj rad smjera usporediti njihove pristupe i ocijeniti ih u širem kontekstu suvremene kineske misli. Najprije ću predstaviti Zongsanovu elaboraciju o Kantu. Zatim, predstavit ću glavne aspekte Leejeva razvoja Mouovih teorija te u kasnijim sekcijama dati kritičku ocjenu Leejevih filozofijskih inovacija, usmjeravajući se na evaluaciju njegove konceptualizacije imanentne transcendencije i konfucijske deontologije. ; Die konfuzianische Erneuerung in Taiwan wurde durch die Suche nach einer Synthese zwischen westlichem und traditionellem konfuzianischem Gedanken determiniert. Die modernen taiwanesischen Konfuzianer hegten die Absicht, ein System von Ideen und Werten zu schaffen, das befähigt ist, die sozialen und politischen Probleme der zeitgenössischen globalen Gesellschaft zu lösen. Mou Zongsan, das prominenteste Mitglied der zweiten Generation des zeitgenössischen neuen Konfuzianismus, zielte darauf hin, die chinesische philosophische Tradition durch den Dialog mit der modernen europäischen Philosophie, vornehmlich mit den Werken Immanuel Kants, wiederzubeleben. Sein Anhänger, Lee Ming-huei, ist nachweisbar die namhafteste Fachgröße für Kants Philosophie in der gesamten sinitischen Region. Diese Arbeit setzt sich zum Ziel, ihre Herangehensweisen zu wägen, und sie im umfassenderen Kontext des zeitgenössischen chinesischen Gedankens zu bewerten. Zunächst präsentiere ich Mous Elaboration zu Kant. Im Anschluss daran stelle ich die Hauptaspekte von Lees Fortentwicklung der Theorien Mous vor und gebe in späteren Abschnitten eine kritische Einschätzung von Lees philosophischen Innovationen, indem ich mein Augenmerk auf die Evaluation seiner Konzeptualisierung der immanenten Transzendenz und der konfuzianischen Deontologie lege. ; Le renouvellement du confucianisme à Taïwan a été déterminé par une recherche de synthèse entre la pensée occidentale et confucéenne. Les confucéens modernes taïwanais aspiraient à la création d'un système d'idées et de valeurs capables de résoudre les problèmes sociaux et politiques de la société contemporaine globalisée. Zongsan Mou, le membre le plus connu da la seconde génération du nouveau confucianisme contemporain, souhaitait faire revivre la tradition philosophique à travers le dialogue avec la philosophie européenne moderne, particulièrement avec les travaux d'Emmanuel Kant. Son héritier, Ming-huei Lee, est indubitablement le plus éminents des experts pour la philosophie de Kant dans la région des langues sinitiques. Ce travail s'applique à comparer leurs approches et à les évaluer dans un contexte plus large de la pensée contemporaine chinoise. Je présenterai d'abord l'élaboration de Mou de la philosophie de Kant. Ensuite, je mettrai en lumière les aspects importants que Lee a développés dans les théories de Mou, et je proposerai dans les dernières sections une note critique des innovations philosophiques de Lee, en me concentrant sur l'évaluation de sa conceptualisation des transcendances immanentes et de la déontologie confucéenne.
Glavni cilj disertacije je analizirati ideologiju glavnih predstavnika radikalne desnice u Poljskoj. Ova doktorska disertacija dizajnirana je kao studija slučaja unutar okvira kulturalnog pristupa u političkim znanostima. Kao metoda istraživanja odabrana je kombinacija kvalitativne analize sadržaja i konceptualne analize ideologije Michaela Freedena. Iako je najveći fokus istraživanja na dvjema političkim strankama (Zakon i pravda i Liga poljskih obitelji) kao glavnim predstavnicima radikalno desne političke scene u Poljskoj, istraživanje se bavi i drugim akterima, prije svega organizacijama civilnog društva, društvenim pokretima i medijima, koji sudjeluju u konstruiranju i promoviranju ideologije radikalne desnice. Pritom istraživanje nije ograničeno na sadržaj ideologije i aktere koji tu ideologiju promoviraju, već ono uključuje i analizu procesa putem kojih se ideologija radikalne desnice eksplicira i formulira, kao i analizu dinamičnih odnosa među akterima procesa proizvodnje ideologije doprinoseći istraživanju ideologije radikalne desnice kao i istraživanju procesa konstruiranja političkih ideologija općenito. Kao polazište za navedenu analizu u disertaciji se koristi ponešto modificirana definicija radikalne desnice poznatog politologa Casa Muddea prema kojoj su konstitutivna obilježja radikalne desnice integralni nacionalizam, autoritarnost i populizam. Analizom je utvrđeno kako su sve tri ideološke karakteristike tipične za radikalnu desnicu prisutne kod glavnih aktera istraživanih u ovoj disertaciji. Na tragu konceptualne analize, ova disertacija je pokazala kako središnji konstitutivni koncept radikalno desne ideologije u Poljskoj predstavlja nacija, i kako svi ostali okolni koncepti detektirani analizom, poput solidarnosti, jednakosti šansi, pravde, demokracije, slobode, zadobivaju svoje značenje na temelju svog odnosa prema središnjem konstitutivnom obilježju ideologije. ; In the last thirty years or so, the influence of the radical right has been constantly growing throughout Europe. This political success has been accompanied by an increasingly intensive scientific research on the phenomenon of the radical right, which has resulted in several studies that address various aspects of the radical right phenomenon in Europe. Paradoxically, despite such an abundance of research papers, their review suggests that there are relatively few papers that have a systematic and in-depth approach to the political ideology of the radical right. This doctoral dissertation fills this research gap and focuses on the political ideology of the radical right, taking into account the thesis of the well-known researcher of political ideologies Michael Freeden, that political ideologies are the center of political analysis because the study of ideologies can provide relevant insights necessary for understanding politics and political processes. In the context of the debate on the wave of radicalism in Europe, Poland is a particularly interesting case. Firstly, it is the largest and most populous post-communist country that became a member of the EU and a country in which the radical right won three parliamentary and three presidential elections between 2005 and 2020. Secondly, in academic papers and media Poland is often portrayed as an example of a country that has successfully gone through the process of transformation to liberal democracy and as an example of the most successful transition economy in Europe. The Polish case is also interesting because it is a a country with more than 90% of declared Catholics and where, primarily due to historical development, Catholicism plays a significant role in political, social, and cultural life; it has become a key component of the Polish national identity. In contrast to Western European countries, in Poland Political Catholicism, did not spark the development of strong Christian- Democratic parties, it rather gave rise to radical right-wing parties instead. In addition to cultural factors, historical heritage is often considered a fertile ground for the emergence of this type of parties, especially its influence on political processes and on the processes of building a national identity. Namely, the Polish historical heritage, specifically the one related to the 20th century, was marked by a short period of democratic rule (1918-1925), and two long periods of authoritarian rule, that of Jozef Pilsudski (1925 to 1939), and that of the communist authoritarians (1945 to 1989). Thus, the main goal of the dissertation is to analyze the ideology of the main representatives of the radical right in Poland by exploring its discursive manifestations, as well as the way in which the radical right ideology is produced. This doctoral dissertation is designed as a case study within the framework of a cultural approach in political sciences. The cultural approach is characterized by the insistence on the importance of context, which, on the other hand, makes it difficult to define clear independent, dependent, and intervening variables. Therefore, in the cultural approach, a case is most often taken as the analytical unit taking into consideration all the complexity of its historical and socio-political distinctiveness. Qualitative content analysis was chosen as the research method, and conceptual analysis of Michael Freeden's ideology was added to it, since this approach allows us to better understand the morphology of ideologies and their operationalization in politics. The first chapter is about the theoretical and methodological framework. Since the concept of the radical right is one of the deeply contested concepts which there is no consensus about in political science, and since the aim of this doctoral dissertation is to explain this concept, the first part of the chapter consists of a review and analysis of recent literature. The notion of the radical right was analyzed through comparison with related terms such as the extreme right, right-wing populism, and the far right. As a starting point for analysis in the dissertation, a somewhat modified definition of the radical right by the well-known political scientist Cas Mudde is used. According to him, the constitutive features of the radical right are integral nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism. Like the concept of the radical right, the concept of ideology is also ambivalent and can be understood in different ways which result in multiple uses of the term ideology which are often contradictory. This doctoral dissertation is largely based on the morphological approach to the study of ideology developed by Michael Freeden. The second chapter deals with the history of Poland before 1989. The first part of the chapter explains the early context of the emergence of Polish nationalism, which has its roots in the 'noble democracy' of the 17th century, as well as in the national struggles for independence of the 19th century. However, the chapter focuses on two periods that significantly influenced the emergence and growth of Polish political nationalism in the early 2000s. The first is the interwar period (1918-1939) in which two traditions of Polish political thought, Sanacja and Endeca, crystallized, and from which two visions of the Polish nation, national identity, and the nation-state, emerged. The second period is after the Second World War, i.e., the period of the People's Republic of Poland in which the legitimization and institutionalization of the nationalist discourse take place. Equally, in this period there emerged and formed social groups with different visions of the Polish state after the fall of communism. The third chapter deals with the transformation of the People's Republic of Poland into the The third Republic and with an account of political and social events in the first decade after the fall of communism. This chapter sheds light on the political and social context within which the dominant social divisions in Polish society emerged, which in large part resulted in the evolution of radical right-wing parties in the early 2000s. In particular, the very nature of the transformation process emerged as the main subject of dispute. Namely, the Polish right believes that due to the contractual transformation of the system, the 'revolution' is not over and that the left-liberal groups have made an agreement with the former communist establishment. They believe that the Third Republic is a product of this agreement and that it serves the left-liberal and former communist elites to maintain positions of power and rule the The third Republic to the detriment of the oppressed people. This conspiratorial narrative represents the foundation around which the politics and ideology of the radical right have been built in Poland since 2000. The fourth chapter deals with the emergence and profiling of two radical right-wing parties, Law and Justice (Polish: Prawo I Sprawiedliwość – PiS) and the League of Polish Families (Polish: Liga Polskich Rodzin – LPR) . The chapter is structured in such a way as to first present the history of the formation of these parties, with an emphasis on the main actors who participated as the originators and implementers of these projects. In both cases, these are largely the 'family projects' of the Kaczynski brothers (Law and Justice) and father and son Giertych (League of Polish Families). From the Kaczynskis' biographies, it is obvious that they come from an environment dominated by the legacy of Sanacja, while father and son Giertych openly presents themselves as the heirs of the interwar Endecja. After presenting their political activities and the first successes in the elections, the ideology of these two parties is reconstructed, primarily from their programs and other party publications. The research showed that until 2005 both parties contained all the constitutive elements of the radical right according to Mudde's conceptualization. While these constitutive elements have been present in the League of Polish Families since its founding, the party Law and Justice gradually became radicalized. This period, at least from the perspectives of PiS and LPR, is dominated by the conflict between the post-communist elites (former communists and left-liberal intellectuals) gathered around the left Democratic Left Alliance (Polish: Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) and the so-called "patriotic' camp that emerged from Solidarity. This chapter also covers the period between 2005 and 2007 when these two parties, together with the Self-Defense party, formed a government that lasted less than two years. This first, shorter coming to power of the radical right in Poland is not important because of the public policies they pursued during that period, but because of the experience and lessons gained by PiS during its rule in the liberal democratic system. Namely, after 2007, the LPR disappeared from the Polish political scene, leaving the PiS as the only relevant political actor of the radical right. The fifth chapter covers the period between 2007 and 2015. It is the period of rule by the Civic Platform (Polish: Platforma Obywatelska, PO), a center-right party with strong pro-EU views and liberal economic and social policies. Due to the disappearance of the left from the Polish political scene, the main social and political conflict underwent a radical change. PiS formulated a new conflict – the struggle between solidarity and liberal or corporate Poland – and built its ideology around this conflict. This period in Polish political and social life was marked by the immigration crisis that hit Europe and the debate on the acceptance of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women, the so-called Istanbul Convention. Both topics as well as the pro-European orientation of the PO government led to the mobilization of radical right-wing social groups and media that skillfully occupied public space by successfully imposing their topics on the public agenda. As this dissertation will show, PiS has adapted its discourse to that of radical right-wing organizations and has successfully presented itself as their political representative. On the one hand, this 'alliance' helped the PiS succeed in the 2015 presidential and parliamentary elections, while on the other it marked the further radicalization of the PiS, especially when it comes to issues of morals and values. The sixth chapter deals with the period between 2015 and 2020. During that period, the PiS won both the presidential and the parliamentary elections twice. This chapter emphasizes how PiS translates its ideology into public policies. Namely, during this period PiS focused its efforts on two projects: 'repairing the state' and rebuilding the community (nation). The first project was marked by the judicial reform and the crisis related to the Constitutional Court; it aimed to strengthen the executive branch to the detriment of other branches of government. The PiS community reconstruction project was conceived as a change in the material and spiritual dimension of the community. The first is mostly related to social policies, the emphasis being on family policies. Changes in the spiritual dimension imply changes in cultural policy, within which there has been a reform of public media and the announcement of the "recolonization" of private media. In changing the spiritual dimension, PiS placed special emphasis on the defense of the traditional way of life on the one hand, and on the politics of history on the other, in which the Institute of National Remembrance played an exceptional role. The seventh chapter takes the form of a final discussion in which the basic theses of the radical right ideology in Poland are reconstructed. The aim of this discussion is to position the topic of this dissertation within the framework of a broader theoretical discussion between liberals and their critics. Finally, the conclusion summarizes the main research results in this doctoral dissertation and points to the possible direction of future research, especially research of countries with a strong radical right and with a similar historical and cultural heritage. Equally, the conclusion points to the fact that this dissertation has not fully answered the research question related to finding out how ideology is constructed, and the actors involved in the process. Namely, the problem was the research design and selection of the analysis method. The conclusion is that a more complete answer to this research question would require some field research, preferably using the method of interview or survey. Finally, we believe that some future research on ideology should move in that direction.
Ustavna demokracija opis je, obilježje, ali "i počelo, i cilj" suvremenih država civilizacijskoga kruga kojem RH pripada. Sama demokracija kao oblik vladavine u idealnom je slučaju asimptotski proces stalna usavršavanja. Isto vrijedi i za ustavnost. Dakako, ti procesi nipošto nisu ireverzibilni. I dok je u suvremeno doba u biti nemoguće povući potpun i oštar rez između pridjeva i imenice spomenute sintagme "ustavna demokracija", namjera je ovog rada promotriti prevladavajuće procese razvoja ustavnosti u našoj državi kako bismo upozorili na prijeteće točke, ali i na važne potencijale za buduća postupanja državnih tijela i samih građana. Identifikacija problema u svojevrsnom Dunning-Kruger sindromu pretpolitičkog stanja svijesti znatna dijela društvene potke u RH čini evoluciju ustavne vladavine osobito kompleksnom i nipošto izvjesnom. Dopuštamo si blag optimizam s obzirom na dosadašnje korake te podsjećanje na to da demokratski i ustavni procesi općenito nisu linearni. Ipak, stanje opasne stagnacije i zaglavljenost u glibu koruptivno-klijentelističkog mentaliteta nalaže ozbiljan i interdisciplinarni pristup svladavanju problema. Osnovno je pitanje ovdje kako ustavno pravo može doskočiti rečenim izazovima te koji su potrebni i mogući koraci u tom smjeru. U radu prvo analiziramo stvarnu vrijednost konstitucionalizma u našoj državi, i to preko njegova pozitivnog i negativnog naboja. Potom upozoravamo na uzroke identificiranih izazova koje nalazimo u stanju hrvatskoga društva i u refleksiji takva stanja u nedavnom djelovanju najviših državnih institucija. Ističemo bitnost preuzimanja institucijske i građanske odgovornosti. Imajući u vidu notornu potrebu ustavne revizije, fokusiramo se na formativno-edukativni potencijal budućega ustavotvornog procesa. Ustav bez odgovarajućeg stupnja internalizacije državnih tijela i građana ne može živjeti. Odgoj i obrazovanje za ustavnu demokraciju ostaju kamen temeljac funkcionirajućega društva. Na kraju predlažemo i dodatan sinergijski angažman sveučilišne zajednice. ; Constitutional democracy is a description, a characteristic, but it is also the "foundation and goal" of contemporary civilizations which Croatia belongs to. Democracy itself, as a form of governance, is ideally an asymptotic process of constant improvement. The same goes for constitutionality. These processes, however, are not irreversible. While it is impossible to draw a complete and sharp demarcation line between the adjective and the noun in the "constitutional democracy" syntagm, the aim of this paper is to look into predominant processes of constitutional development in Croatia not only in order to point out challenges, but also to draw attention to important potential for the future functioning both of the state and its citizens. A major problem is identified as a form of Dunning-Kruger syndrome of pre-political state of mind of a significant part of the social matrix in the Republic of Croatia that in turn renders the evolution of constitutional governance particularly complex and not at all certain. We allow a mild optimism given the previous steps and remembering that democratic and constitutional processes are not linear. However, the state of dangerous stagnation and immersion in the corruptive-clientelistic mentality calls for serious and interdisciplinary approach to this problem. The fundamental question remains: to what extent can constitutional law provide remedies to these challenges and what are the necessary steps in that direction? The paper firstly analyses the actual value of constitutionalism in Croatia through its positive and negative aspects. Then we turn to the causes of problems we have identified. We find them both in the state of the social matrix and reflections of this state in recent acts of the highest state institutions. The importance of assigning institutional and civil responsibility is particularly pointed out. Keeping in mind a notorious need for constitutional revision, we focus on formative and educational potential of the future constitution-making process. A constitution cannot prosper without an adequate level of internalization on the level of state bodies, but also of its citizens. Education and understanding of constitutional democracy remain the corner-stones of a functioning society. At the end we propose a synergy of members of academic institutions for an additional beneficial effect.
Analitičko-interpretativnom metodom tekstova iz odabranih tiskovina obrađena je zagrebačka i jugoslavenska tekstilna industrija u razdoblju od 1959. do 1971./1972. godine. Zbog opsega i zahtjevnosti teme obuhvaćena je samo proizvodnja tekstila u metraži, koja je činila temelje i bila glavni proizvod tekstilne industrije šezdesetih godina. Suprotno uvriježenome mišljenju da su šezdesete u Jugoslaviji zlatno doba ekonomije, tekstilne industrije, mode i političkih sloboda, autorice upozoravaju na svakodnevne i strukturne probleme tekstilne industrije. ; In this paper, the authors examine the yard goods industry in Zagreb in the 1960s, in the context of the Yugoslav textile industry. Due to the complexity of the textile industry as a topic, the paper examines a longer period, from the late 1950s to the early 1970s, as it has been accepted in historiography. Using an analytical-interpretative method, qualitative and quantitative results have been obtained from newspapers and journals from 1959 to 1972. A chronological overview of the studied periodicals has shown more clearly the impressions of the political and economic events on the development and business of the textile industry. The influences of the so-called 'small reforms' of 1961, the economic reform of 1965, and the events of 1968 and the subsequent liberalisation process are noticeable. The difference between the first and second half of the 1960s is particularly prominent. The first half was characterised by the production of heavy woollen fabrics for making women's and men's tops, particularly coats. The textile industry was slow to adapt to the market through its reorganisations, i.e. attempts to merge, change product ranges, and switch from heavy to light, artificial fabrics. Simultaneously, there was a reorientation towards foreign markets, which had numerous problems related to the import of poor raw materials and finished fabrics as well as exports aimed at keeping labour costs low. Other significant problems were bonification and the trading of imported textiles on the black market. In the second half of the decade, following international trends, the focus was on producing textiles from artificial fabrics, which were easier to maintain, cheaper, and expressed new social trends, especially making the lives of employed women easier. In the 1965–1971 period, stronger demands to transition to a market-based business model are evident in the yard goods industry, but a strong influence of the state is also visible in various aspects: firstly, through ideology, as there was an effort to achieve full employment, develop industry and cities, which led to overemployment and employment that was not in line with the needs of the market; secondly, through direct interference in business activities via legislations, such as the regulations on compulsory export; thirdly, through the Yugoslav international policy of non-alignment, but maintaining simultaneous economic links with the West, which led to unequal relationships (forced import of large quantities of goods, much of them of poor quality, and cheap exports). Insufficient investment in modernisation, which was the result of income being diverted to salaries, led to a lack of competitiveness on the new consumer market. This paper concludes that, despite all modernisation and liberalisation processes, obsolete technology, an unqualified female workforce, and the lowest income among all industries were permanent problems of the yard goods industry from 1959 to 1971.
Overall changes in political, social and economic spheres in Serbia, along with ongoing demographic processes, have affected various policies and all aspects of people's lives, including system(s) of care. While care became an important analytical concept and category of social policy analysis internationally, it has not been systematically applied in the analysis of the Serbian welfare state. Incorporation of care in welfare state analysis is much needed as its organisation in the national context reveals a lot about the nature of the welfare state, changes in its socio-institutional arrangements and, most importantly, the effects of provision. This article thus aims to outline the evolution of childcare and eldercare policies in Serbia over the last decade, employing the concept of the care diamond developed by Shahra Razavi, which allows examining the "architecture" through which the care is provided: families/households, markets, the state and the voluntary sector. By analysing the prevalent care policy "architecture" for children and the elderly in Serbia and the roles of different sectors in that respect, as well as by identifying similarities and differences in the provision of childcare and eldercare in the national context, the article exposes developments and current state in childcare and eldercare provision in Serbia. The analysis indicates the profound role of the informal sphere in both care systems in Serbia, childcare and eldercare. Some differences between the two care domains could also be noted. These relate to the configuration of welfare sectors involved in care provision, revealing the modified shape of the care diamond in the case of childcare. That is, while all four sectors are involved in providing care in the case of eldercare forming an eldercare diamond, this is not the case with childcare. In the latter case, the voluntary, nonprofit sector does not exist as a care provider in Serbia, with childcare "architecture" having a shape of a care triangle. In light of this evidence, the role of families and the voluntary, nonprofit sector should be taken into account in future planning and funding of policies as well as in their implementation. ; Sveukupne promjene u političkoj, socijalnoj i ekonomskoj sferi u Srbiji, zajedno s kontinuiranim demografskim procesima, utjecali su na razne politike i sve aspekte života ljudi, uključujući sustav(e) skrbi. Iako je skrb postala važan analitički koncept i kategorija analiza socijalne politike u međunarodnom kontekstu, ona još nije sustavno primijenjena u analizi srpske socijalne države. Uvrštenje skrbi u analizu socijalne države nužno je potrebno jer njezina organizacija u nacionalnom kontekstu otkriva mnogo o prirodi socijalne države, promjenama u socio-institucionalnom uređenju i, što je najvažnije, učincima pružanja skrbi. Rad nastoji izložiti evoluciju politike skrbi za djecu i skrbi za starije u Sbiji tijekom posljednjeg desetljeća, koristeći koncept četverokuta socijalne skrbi koje je razvila Shahra Razavi, a koji omogućuje analizu ˝arhitekture˝ unutar koje se socijalna skrb pruža: obitelji/kućanstva, tržišta, država i dobrovoljni sektor. Analizom prevladavajuće ˝arhitekturu˝ politike skrbi za djecu i starije osobe u Srbiji i uloge različitih sektora u tom pogledu, kao i identifikacijom sličnosti i razlika u pružanju skrbi za djecu i za starije osobe u nacionalnom kontekstu, rad prikazuje razvoj i sadašnje stanje u pružanju skrbi za djecu i starije osobe u Srbiji. Analiza ukazuje na bitnu ulogu neformalne sfere u oba sustava skrbi u Srbiji, skrbi za djecu i skrbi za starije osobe. Isto tako, mogu se uočiti neke razlike između dviju domena skrbi. One se odnose na konfiguraciju sektora socijalne skrbi uključenog u pružanje skrbi i otkrivaju modificirani oblik četverokuta socijalne skrbi u slučaju skrbi za djecu. Drugim riječima, iako su sva četiri sektora uključena u pružanje skrbi za starije osobe tvoreći četverokut socijalne skrbi, to nije slučaj u pogledu skrbi za djecu. U potonjem slučaju dobrovoljni, neprofitni sektor ne postoji kao pružatelj skrbi u Srbiji, te ˝arhitektura˝ ima oblik trokuta socijalne srbi. U kontekstu ovih dokaza, uloga obitelji i dobrovoljnog, neprofitnog sektora trebala bi se uzeti u obzir u budućem planiranju i financiranju politika, kao i u njihovoj primjeni.
Empirijsko analitički pristup znanosti šumarske politike primijenjen je na primjeru specijalnog rezervata prirode "Koviljsko-Petrovaradinski Rit" (Srbija) s ciljem sveobuhvatne analize korisnika, njihovih interesa i potencijalnih sukoba interesa. Istraživanje je provedeno od kolovoza 2017. do kolovoza 2018. godine. Procjena intenziteta interesa identificiranih korisnika temelji se na kvalitativnoj analizi sadržaja i kritičkoj analizi te kombinaciji tehnika triangulacije, logičkog zaključivanja, indukcije i dedukcije. Unosom procijenjenog intenziteta interesa korisnika (vlasnici šuma – država i privatni šumovlasnici; zaposleni u šumarstvu; poduzeća/institucije – drvna industrija, pokrajinski sekretarijat, itd.; građani) u analitičku shemu jasno se mogla izdvojiti zona sukoba između korisnika s vrlo jakim interesom za korištenje drvne mase (Vojvodinašume, crkva, prerada drva) i korisnika koji pripadaju interesnom polju očuvanja/zaštite prirode (institucije zaštite prirode, građani). Uz navedeno, država tj. Vojvodinašume su u unutarnjem sukobu, jer (također) imaju vrlo snažan interes za proizvodnju drva s jedne strane i za zaštitu prirode s druge strane. Kako bi uravnotežila interese, država/pokrajina je u prednosti jer rješenje može potražiti interno, ali analitička shema pokazuje i da će rezultat neizbježno dovesti do sukoba s drugim korisnicima (drvnom industrijom ako se poveća opseg zaštite ili zaštitom prirode ako se pojača sječa drva). Koncept zaštitnih zona pokazuje trenutni kompromisni paket između zainteresiranih strana (stroga zaštita 6%, aktivna zaštita 29% i korištenje drva 65%), koji će opstati dok ga država bude mogla podržati političkim mjerama. Empirijsko analitički pristup omogućio je sveobuhvatni uvid u korisnike i interese vezane za Rit, a metodološka postavka je uz zaključake relevantne za daljnja znanstvena istraživanja stvorila osnovu za aktivniju komunikaciju rezultata s praksom. ; This study, based on modified Schusser´s sequential method, was conducted from August 2017 to August 2018 with the aim of using accessible and familiar case example from Serbia to verify the claim of forest policy science - that users, their interests and potential conflicts of interest can be comprehensively identified and analysed while applying empirically analytical approach. On the example of special nature reserve Koviljsko-Petrovaradinski Rit the intensity of user´s interest is assessed based on qualitative content analysis and critical reasoning in combination with the techniques of triangulation, induction and deduction. By entering the estimated intensity of user interests into the analytical sheme (users categorized as forest owners- state/province and private, forestry employees, enterprises/institutions and citizens), the first conflicting zone was identified between the very strong interests in forest utilization (priority of profitable timber harvesting) and the interest field comprising the very strong and strong user interests for nature conservation. In addition, the state/province (public enterprise Vojvodinašume) is in an internal conflict, having (also) a very strong interest in wood production (creating revenues) on the one hand and in nature conservation on another. In order to balance them (towards the general social interest), the state/province has an advantage of being in the position to look internally for a solution, but the analytical scheme also shows how potential changes could trigger conflicts with other users (wood industry if protection is increased or nature protection actors if logging intensifies). The current solution of protection zones, divided into strict protection 6%, active protection 29% and profitable use of wood 65%, reflects the actual compromise package between the state/province andinterests of remaining users, which will last as long as the state/province is in the position to support it with available political means.Whereas individual discourses take into account only partial aspects, the current approach has provided a comprehensive insight into Rit´s actors and interests. Methodological set-up of existing theoretically-based analytical categories has offered conclusions relevant for further research, forming at the same time a strong basis for more active communication of results with practice: users can more clearly perceive each other's positions and evaluate own abilities to act, while searching for the implementation concepts that work in practice.