Suchergebnisse

Theories which are the base of this article refers to institutional project. Among democratic instruments we can mark out inter alia political institutions. But to find out more about mentioned aspects, It is necessary to examine and analyze fields, methods and ways of thinking about them. This particular dilemma is one of many which we can read about in famous book of James March and Johan Olsen "Rediscovering Iinstitutions. The Organizational Basis of Politics". At the beginning it's important to remind that the principle idea of theory of sovereignty is based on the fact that the people will should finally overweight. Thought, it is important to answer actual questions like who adhere to "the people", how it's possible to recognize their "will", how long does "finally" take and what exactly "overweight" means. Theories distincts in this matters. But it is crucial to straight out that those slim differences are very important, because their interpretation transfer to distinction of two opposite political processes called by their authors aggregated and integrated ones. Moreover, making short simplification, the same distinction is combined with well known contrast between contractual and collective view on social organization which grew on dissimilarities between societies defined as collectivistic and individualistic ones. This article inspired by "Rediscovering Iinstitutions. The Organizational Basis of Politics" book refers to proposition of dividing political processes into aggregated and integrated ones. After broad explanation March's and Olsen's theories, the author compare them to other conceptions like contractual and collective ones trying to find common bounds same as main fields of disagreement of mentioned theories.

Theories which are the base of this article refers to institutional project. Among democratic instruments we can mark out inter alia political institutions. But to find out more about mentioned aspects, It is necessary to examine and analyze fields, methods and ways of thinking about them. This particular dilemma is one of many which we can read about in famous book of James March and Johan Olsen "Rediscovering Iinstitutions. The Organizational Basis of Politics". At the beginning it's important to remind that the principle idea of theory of sovereignty is based on the fact that the people will should finally overweight. Thought, it is important to answer actual questions like who adhere to "the people", how it's possible to recognize their "will", how long does "finally" take and what exactly "overweight" means. Theories distincts in this matters. But it is crucial to straight out that those slim differences are very important, because their interpretation transfer to distinction of two opposite political processes called by their authors aggregated and integrated ones. Moreover, making short simplification, the same distinction is combined with well known contrast between contractual and collective view on social organization which grew on dissimilarities between societies defined as collectivistic and individualistic ones. This article inspired by "Rediscovering Iinstitutions. The Organizational Basis of Politics" book refers to proposition of dividing political processes into aggregated and integrated ones. After broad explanation March's and Olsen's theories, the author compare them to other conceptions like contractual and collective ones trying to find common bounds same as main fields of disagreement of mentioned theories

The article characterises selected aspects of Poland's housing situation during the interwar period, particularly in the Pomeranian Voivodeship, which was actually annexed to Poland in 1920. The largest urban centres were Toruń and Grudziądz for the first decade, with Gdynia coming to the fore in the 1930s. In 1938, the area of the voivodeship was significantly enlarged and its borders included, among others, Toruń. Bydgoszcz, as the largest city in the region, was added to the voivodeship, and the article made limited mention of the housing situation in this city. Most attention was devoted to the analysis of statistical data from from the two Polish censuses, including the housing situation, which were conducted in September 1921 and December 1931. For Pomerania, reference was also made to data from the German census of May 1918. Full data from the Polish censuses, including those for the area of Pomeranian Voivodeship, were published between 1927 and 1938. They made it possible to indicate that, against the national background, the situation of Pomeranian Voivodeship was one of the best in the whole of Poland. This was evidenced by a small group of the tightest single-room flats, as well as a very high index of good technical equipment of flats. Most had gas, electricity, sewerage and water supply. In the former Russian and Austrian occupied territories it was exactly the opposite. The towns there were much tighter and their technical equipment extremely modest. Despite the relatively good housing situation in the Pomeranian Voivodeship, social tensions also occurred in this area. There were social tensions over the housing situation. Above all, this concerned the lack of housing. In quantitative terms, this was not as acute as in Warsaw, Łódź or Lwów, for example, but it was also perceptible. The problem affected mainly cities, even not very large ones such as Chełmno or Chojnice. However, it was most acute in large centres such as Toruń or Grudziądz, and from 1938 Bydgoszcz, where the number of people without housing, nestling in makeshift conditions reached up to several thousand. The most difficult situation arose in Gdynia, as the extremely dynamic port city, with its increasingly strong industrial base and with a large number of jobs, could not keep up with the construction of housing infrastructure. The number of genuinely homeless people condemned to live in slums was reaching even over 20,000.

The goal of the article is to provide on the theoretical area, above all, a legal historical and a legal comparative analyzes of the criminal-law aspects of contracting marriage in an unlawful manner. As an institution, marriage invalidity functioned both in civil law and criminal law during the interwar period. The role of the criminal law of that time was to enforce the rules following from civil law, so the legislator provided for a criminal sanction against those who violated legally protected interests. Protecting the permanence of marriage was in the interest of not only the individual but also the state. At that time marriage was becoming the basis of the family, the fundamental social structure, upon which society and the state were being built. The family was in charge of public peace and morals, therefore any violation of the permanence and indissolubility of marriage union was tantamount to attacking the rules of social intercourse, which in turn led to an erosion of statehood. Given the foregoing, this article discusses the prerequisites under the marriage law for a marriage to be challengeable, as well as penal sanctions against culprits responsible for the conclusion of a statutorily invalid marriage. The choice of the topic was dictated by the fact that the literature of the subject lacks studies of this issue. ; Celem artykułu jest historyczno-prawna oraz prawno-porównawcza analiza prawnokarnych aspektów wyłudzenia nieważnego małżeństwa w aspekcie teoretycznym. Nieważność małżeństwa w okresie międzywojennym funkcjonowała zarówno w prawie cywilnym, jak i w prawie karnym. Zadaniem ówczesnego prawa karnego było egzekwowanie zasad wynikających z prawa cywilnego, stąd prawodawca przewidział sankcję karną wobec sprawcy naruszającego dobra prawnie chronione. Ochrona trwałości związku małżeńskiego pozostawała w interesie nie tylko jednostki, lecz także państwa. Małżeństwo stawało się początkiem podstawowej komórki społecznej, jaką była rodzina, w oparciu o którą budowano społeczeństwo i państwo. Rodzina odpowiadała za spokój i moralność publiczną, dlatego naruszenie trwałości i nierozerwalności związku małżeńskiego utożsamiano z zamachem na zasady współżycia społecznego prowadzącym do osłabienia państwowości. Uwzględniając powyższe, w niniejszym artykule zostały omówione przesłanki prawa małżeńskiego warunkujące wzruszalność małżeństwa oraz sankcje karne wobec sprawców odpowiadających za zawarcie ustawowo nieważnego małżeństwa. Wybór tematu uzasadnia brak opracowania w literaturze przedmiotu niniejszego zagadnienia.

This paper is an analysis of mediation, in which special focus was put on the creativity of individuals in the world of social meanings. The typology of mediation participants and the ways in which they build a situation is presented, including: (i) types of social relations in advisory situations as described by Alicja Kargulowa; (ii) Roger Fisher's, William Ury's and Bruce Patton's method of negotiations; and (iii) the work by Kenneth L. Thomas and Ralph H. Kilmann in which the relation between negotiators and the purpose of mediation, or the attitude of negotiators to its purpose and other participants of a conflict situation have been taken into account. This different approach to mediation allows the reader to see other aspects of the procedure. Contrary to the criminal trial, the vision of mediation presented here reveals that the settlement arrived at by the parties is not the only benefit of the procedure, as it does not only focus on facts but also on relationships and the interests of the parties.Looking at the process of mediation through the prism of the negotiating parties may be an inspiration and raise awareness. It also serves to ensure openness to the philosophy of restorative justice. ; W artykule podjęto analizę mediacji, eksponując indywidualną kreatywność jednostki w świecie znaczeń społecznych. Przedstawiono typologię uczestników mediacji i ich sposobów budowania sytuacji. Autorka pokazuje typy uczestników, uwzględniając: (1) sposoby nawiązywania rodzajów stosunków społecznych w sytuacjach poradniczych opisanych przez Alicję Kargulową; (2) metody negocjowania wyróżnione przez Rogera Fishera, Williama Ury'ego, Bruce'a Pattona oraz (3) opracowanie Kennetha L. Thomasa and Ralpha H. Kilmanna uwzględniające stosunek negocjatorów do celu i innych osób w sytuacji konfliktowej. Pokazanie odmiennego od prezentowanych dotychczas obrazu mediacji zwraca uwagę na inne niż prawne aspekty mediacji w sprawach karnych. Przedstawiona wizja mediacji pozwala dostrzec, że spisana przez strony ugoda nie jest jedyną korzyścią ze stosowania tej procedury, która w przeciwieństwie do procesu sądowego koncentruje się nie tylko na faktach, lecz także na relacjach i interesach działających i kształtujących przebieg interakcji stron. Być może spojrzenie na przebieg procesu mediacji przez pryzmat negocjujących stron konfliktu stanie się inspiracją czy będzie służyć uwrażliwieniu i otwarciu na filozofię sprawiedliwości naprawczej.

The article poses a question about the current meaning of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The starting point is the analysis of the legitimacy of the Declaration, which leads to the conclusion that the support for it has not been eroded by the passage of time, but has indeed gained strength. The Declaration's message on the universality of human rights is taken from the perspective of the controversy surrounding this principle during the drafting process and in the light of the subsequent debates related to the Second World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna in 1993. The Declaration and Programme of Action not only stressed that the universal nature of human rights is beyond question, but also pointed to the importance of national and regional specificities, and various historical, cultural and religious conditions that, however, do not relieve states, regardless of their political, economic and cultural systems, of the obligation to promote and protect all human rights. The InterAction Council's initiative to develop a Universal Declaration of Human Responsibility is presented as an attempt to reconcile different doctrinal and political positions with regard to the universality of human rights. The conclusion of these considerations is the expectation that the already visible tendency to absorb various philosophical, doctrinal and cultural traditions in order to enrich human rights justifications will prevail over attempts to question the universality of rights in the name of regional or other distinctions. The Universal Declaration was also a testimony to the holistic approach to human rights, encompassing economic, social, cultural, as well as personal and political rights. The subsequent winding road in attitudes to the two main categories of rights at the international arena ultimately led to the return of the spirit and letter of the Declaration and the recognition of equality of all rights in the legal and institutional-procedural dimensions. Various aspects of the Declaration's binding force ...

Negotiation is an important aspect of social and economic life. Skilful negotiators can stop wars, achieve a lasting peace, as well as resolve conflicts of various kinds for the benefit of all parties involved. With the onset of the pandemic, the inability of negotiating partners to meet in person, face-to-face, has led businesses and all other economic actors to turn to virtual negotiation applications that can be conducted remotely. The aim of this article is to identify the key success factors of remote negotiations, to show entrepreneurs and other economic actors good practices in this field, as well as to identify those areas in which in-person negotiations differ from virtual ones. The study was of a qualitative nature and consisted of a questionnaire survey carried out on a purposive sample. People for whom negotiation is an important part of their professional life were selected. The main conclusion of the research is that the success factors for remote negotiation are essentially the same as for in-person negotiation, but the latter needs taking more care about technology – both in terms of one's own skills in operating the equipment and in ensuring adequate quality of the infrastructure. ; Negocjacje stanowią ważny aspekt życia społecznego oraz gospodarczego. Wprawnym negocjatorom możemy zawdzięczać koniec wojny albo jej zapobiegnięcie, a także wiele innych korzystnych rozwiązań różnego rodzaju konfliktów. Wraz z początkiem pandemii niemożność spotkania się partnerów negocjacyjnych na żywo, twarzą w twarz, skłoniło przedsiębiorstwa, ale też inne podmioty, do sięgnięcia po aplikacje umożliwiające prowadzenie negocjacji w formule zdalnej, czyli na odległość. Celem artykułu jest zidentyfikowanie kluczowych czynników sukcesu negocjacji zdalnych, by wskazać dobre praktyki w tym zakresie, a także zidentyfikować te obszary, którymi różnią się negocjacje stacjonarne od zdalnych. Przeprowadzone badanie miało charakter jakościowy i polegało na badaniu ankietowym próby celowej. Wybrano do niej osoby, dla których ...

Battle of words – analysis of election slogans from the campaign to the Sejm and the Senate of 2019 In the paper Battle of words – analysis of election slogans from the campaign to the Sejm and the Senate of 2019 Albert Guziak conducted an analysis of the official slogans and selected secondary election catchwords used by political parties during the last election campaign to the Polish parliament in 2019. The collected material was examined from the political-linguistic perspective, according to which the author focused on linguistic aspects (used lexis, methods of argumentation, grammatical modifications made) and political science criteria for the evaluation of election slogans (taking into account the effectiveness of the message, assessing the placing of the usage use of election slogans into the context of the ideological profile of a given political group and from the perspective of the social economic reality accompanying the election campaign of 2019). The aim of the paper is to try to define the specificity of slogans used for persuasive purposes in one of the most important domains of political activity i.e. the election campaign. The first part of the title – "Battle for words" – of the chapter was consciously chosen by the author to emphasize the 'militaristic' and aggressive nature of the use of language in election campaigns. By selecting and analyzing authentic election slogans, the author wants to capture the most important elements and features that characterize election slogans; to this end, he confronts the collected linguistic material with theoretical studies on political slogans, e.g. Marek Koch's work: Slogany w reklamie i polityce (Slogans in advertising and politics), as well as the study: Język marketingu politycznego w kampanii wyborczej '97 (The language of political marketing in the '97 election campaign) by Aneta Banasik.

Abstract Scandal is an action, or an event considered immoral or legally non-applicable causing widespread public outrage. Scandal is covered by media being widely discussed in society. There are areas easily accessible as for the content of a scandal, those are primarily sexual, financial, and relating to the sphere of power. Scandal is present in democratic system and plays a crucial role in it. It can create or destroy political image, help to keep a good name, reputation which politicians have among voters, and which constitutes a legitimacy to exercise power. In the context of political scandal, there is an important aspect of it – Investigative journalism. Scandal plays a very important role on the political scene. There are methods in political marketing used to extinguish political scandals: from ignoring it to information warfare. A well-chosen way to extinguish a scandal by political advisers and the candidate's team is vital. The political image of presidential candidates and public figures in general depends on it. The latest presidential election in Ukraine held on March 31, 2019 was unprecedented, mainly due to the way the election campaign was conducted and because of its results. Comedian, film producer Volodymyr Zelensky became the 6th Ukrainian President amassing the historically highest voters support – 73,22%. For the first time in Ukraine, in the age of the Internet and advanced communication technologies, the election campaign of Volodymyr Zelensky took advantage of social media possibilities, provoking a sharp discussion in society and involving both opponents and supporters of Petro Poroshenko into it, changing Ukraine's current political course.The 2019 elections in Ukraine are characterized by a large number of political scandals. Those evoked emotions in the society; additionally, they influenced election results and were tools of political manipulation. Effectively, series of journalistic investigations influenced presidential candidate rankings.

Zmiany polityczne, społeczne i gospodarcze zapoczątkowane w Polsce w 1989 r. stworzyły podstawy do dynamicznego rozwoju sektora działalności usługowej. Istotnym aspektem przemian organizacyjnych w sferze usług jest także rozwój nowych form świadczenia tradycyjnych usług z zastosowaniem technik komputerowych i sieci internetowej (usługi elektroniczne), np. elektroniczna administracja, zdalna edukacja czy handel elektroniczny. Rozwój nowych form świadczenia usług był możliwy dzięki postępowi w technologii informacyjno-komunikacyjnej (ICT). Głównym celem artykułu jest analiza poziomu rozwoju usług elektronicznych w Polsce na tle innych państw Unii Europejskiej. Formułuje się następujące cele szczegółowe: (1) systematyzacja terminologii związanej z usługami elektronicznymi, (2) określenie uwarunkowań rozwoju usług elektronicznych w Polsce i innych państwach UE, (3) charakterystyka poziomu rozwoju wybranych typów usług elektronicznych dla odbiorców indywidualnych i przedsiębiorstw w Polsce, (4) porównanie poziomu rozwoju wybranych typów usług elektronicznych w Polsce z innymi państwami UE. ; Political, social and economic changes initiated in Poland in 1989 formed basis for dynamic development of service activity. An important aspect of organizational change in services is the development of new forms of services provision with the use of computer technology and the Internet (electronic services), such as e-government, e-learning and e-commerce. The development of new forms of service provision has been possible by advancement in the development of information and communication technology (ICT). The main purpose of this article is to analyse the level of development of electronic services in Poland in comparison to other European Union countries. The following specific objectives can be formulated: (1) systematization of terminology related to e-services, (2) defining of the development conditions of e-services in Poland and other EU countries, (3) characteristic of the level of development of selected types of e-services for individuals and enterprises in Poland (4) comparing the level of development of selected types of e-services in Poland to other EU countries.

Na przestrzeni dwóch dekad funkcjonowania samorządności w Polsce nastąpiły przeobrażenia w katalogu podstawowych wartości samorządu terytorialnego. W pierwszych dziesięciu latach, gdy budowano fundamenty samorządności w Polsce, najważniejsze były podstawowe, ustrojowe wartości, tj. wolność, równość czy powszechność. W drugim natomiast ustąpiły one miejsca wartościom fundamentalnym dla rozwoju samorządu terytorialnego takim, jak: więzi lokalne, poczucie wspólnoty, kapitał społeczny, inkluzja polityczna, czy wreszcie społeczeństwo obywatelskie. Równolegle następowały zmiany w wymaganiach stawianych pracownikom samorządowym. Pojawiły się i ulegały uściśleniu, akty prawne rangi ustawowej określające wymagania wobec nich, obowiązujące ich, jako realizatorów służby publicznej, zasady. Celem artykułu jest próba skatalogowania zbioru wartości kojarzonych z samorządem terytorialnym w Polsce. Ów katalog będzie subiektywny w charakterze. Jednocześnie autor jako wartości traktuje także i zasady, które poprzez uznanie ich przez daną społeczność za cenne, zyskują przymiot wartości. ; Over the two decades of local governance in Poland, the catalogue ofthe fundamental values of local self-government has transformed. In the first decade, when the foundations of local governance in Poland were laid, the most important aspect was the basic values of the political system: liberty, equality and universality. In the second decade, they were replaced by the values that are fundamental for the development of local governance, such as local bonds, a sense of community, social capital, political inclusion and, last but not least, civic society. These changes were accompanied by different requirements being made of local government officials. There emerged increasingly detailed legal acts of statutory status that defined such requirements and the principles the officials are supposed to abide by as public servants. The paper attempts to catalogue the set of values associated with local government in Poland. This catalogue is subjective. The author also includes among those values the principles that are recognized as valuable by a given community, thus becoming values in themselves.

Na przestrzeni dwóch dekad funkcjonowania samorządności w Polsce nastąpiły przeobrażenia w katalogu podstawowych wartości samorządu terytorialnego. W pierwszych dziesięciu latach, gdy budowano fundamenty samorządności w Polsce, najważniejsze były podstawowe, ustrojowe wartości, tj. wolność, równość czy powszechność. W drugim natomiast ustąpiły one miejsca wartościom fundamentalnym dla rozwoju samorządu terytorialnego takim, jak: więzi lokalne, poczucie wspólnoty, kapitał społeczny, inkluzja polityczna, czy wreszcie społeczeństwo obywatelskie. Równolegle następowały zmiany w wymaganiach stawianych pracownikom samorządowym. Pojawiły się i ulegały uściśleniu, akty prawne rangi ustawowej określające wymagania wobec nich, obowiązujące ich, jako realizatorów służby publicznej, zasady. Celem artykułu jest próba skatalogowania zbioru wartości kojarzonych z samorządem terytorialnym w Polsce. Ów katalog będzie subiektywny w charakterze. Jednocześnie autor jako wartości traktuje także i zasady, które poprzez uznanie ich przez daną społeczność za cenne, zyskują przymiot wartości. ; Over the two decades of local governance in Poland, the catalogue of the fundamental values of local self-government has transformed. In the first decade, when the foundations of local governance in Poland were laid, the most important aspect was the basic values of the political system: liberty, equality and universality. In the second decade, they were replaced by the values that are fundamental for the development of local governance, such as local bonds, a sense of community, social capital, political inclusion and, last but not least, civic society. These changes were accompanied by different requirements being made of local government officials. There emerged increasingly detailed legal acts of statutory status that defined such requirements and the principles the officials are supposed to abide by as public servants. The paper attempts to catalogue the set of values associated with local government in Poland. This catalogue is subjective. The author also includes among those values the principles that are recognized as valuable by a given community, thus becoming values in themselves. ; 2 ; Przegląd Politologiczny

Guaranteeing the availability of European labour markets constituted a very important element of the Polish foreign policy during the negotiation of conditions under which Poland would become a member of the European Union. At the time of the Polish accession, Poles as citizens of United Europe gained the right to take up legal work in other Member States. This opportunity was taken by Polish young people – "thirdgeneration emigrants" tempted by better earnings and prospects for the future. The proposed text is an attempt to capture migrants' reality in the context of adaptative difficulties experienced by migrants with regard to globalisation-related transformations and the construct of a global teenager. The research results were obtained from two research projects carried out: (1) a research project carried out under the promotional grant in the years 2008-2012 (National Center for Science in Krakow – NN 106 348 140 (grant manager: Prof. Magdalena Piorunek, PhD) under the title: 'Polish emigration and reemigration as an experience. Sociological and pedagogical aspect', the results of which have been published in: Kozielska J., (2014) Post-accession migration. The theoretical and empirical context. Social support. The research sample in the quantitative analysis consisted of 174 persons who emigrated for at least one year and stayed in Poland for at least 6 months from the time of their return to the time of the research. The sample was targeted, and the target group consisted of return emigrants who emigrated during the pre-accession period and decided to stay in a European state rather than a "traditional" country of migration like the United States of America. The quantitative research was supplemented with a qualitative analysis of texts derived from hermeneutic methods, which included online forums (created by and for emigrants, both those who are still abroad and those who are planning to return or have already returned to Poland) and blogs containing fragments of emigrants' biographies; (2) a research project carried out in London and Scotland under the POSTDOC scholarship of the Adam Mickiewicz University "Unique Graduate = Opportunities. An increase in the didactic potential of the Adam Mickiewicz University through proinnovative education in English, interdisciplinariness, e-learning, investment in human resources" under the title: 'Transnational biographical counselling. A paradigm of qualitative research. An in-depth interview – 15 families with children (aged between 3 and 13 years) (2015-2017)'.

Intencją autorów jest przyjrzenie się obecnemu kierunkowi reform szkolnictwa wyższego w Polsce przez pryzmat zrealizowanej nordyckiej utopii, czyli tych rozwiązań systemowych dotyczących szkolnictwa i uniwersytetów, do których w sensie ideowym i strukturalnym zmierza także polskie szkolnictwo wyższe. Mimo wieloletniej tradycji wykorzystywania uniwersytetów do realizacji idei egalitaryzmu i utylitaryzmu społecznego w myśl założeń państwa opiekuńczego, państwa nordyckie w ciągu ostatnich dwudziestu lat stopniowo zmieniły politykę szkolnictwa wyższego i poczyniły znaczące kroki w kierunku zastąpienia modelu kontroli państwa nad szkolnictwem wyższym modelem luźniejszego nadzoru państwowego nad tym sektorem. Przeszły zatem wcześniej niż Polska zmianę, którą teoretycy umiejscawiają w szerszym kontekście ewolucji humboldtowskiego modelu szkolnictwa wyższego w kierunku modelu anglo-amerykańskiego. Niniejszy tekst dotyczy głównych aspektów i linii podziału między systemem anglo-amerykańskim i humboldtowskim w odniesieniu do dwóch metaobszarów funkcjonowania szkolnictwa wyższego, tj. zarządzania i finansowania. Zestawienie proponowanych rozwiązań polskich z wprowadzonymi już rozwiązaniami w krajach nordyckich ma na celu ukazanie skomplikowania i większej złożoności tego procesu niż mogłoby to wynikać ze schematycznych opisów typów idealnych. ; The authors' intent is to examine the current direction of reforms in Poland's higher education in the light of the fulfilled Nordic utopia, i.e. the systemie Solutions in school education and universities which Poland's higher education is aiming for, ideologically and structurally. Despite many years of tradition in employing universities as a tool to establish the idea of egalitarism and social utilitarianism within a welfare State, Nordic countries have gradually modified their higher education policies in the last twenty years, making significant steps towards replacing the State control model with a more loose State supervision over the sector. Therefore, they went ahead of Poland in making a change which theoreticians put in a broader context of evolution from the Humboldtian to the Anglo- American model of higher education. The paper focuses on key aspects and dividing lines between the Anglo-American model and the Humboldtian model, making a reference to two meta-areas of higher education i.e. management and funding. The proposed Polish Solutions are juxtaposed with the already-implemented Nordic Solutions in order to show that this process is more complex than one might assume on the basis of formulaic descriptions of ideal types.

The author suggests that the research for new methods in the political science in the USA, Which broadly use the concept of systems analysis, realy came into prominence after the Second World War. The impetus for it involved both theoretical and practical considerations. Three of these seem to be of particular importance. First, it became necessary to attempt to explain in some objective manner the failure of "democracy", and the rise of authoritarian political institutions in Germany during the inter-war period. Second, the rise of socialist countries in Europe. Third, the creation of new states in Asia and Africa, as a result of failure of the colonial empires. The first important presentation of systems approach in political science in the USA was made by David Easton. He was primarily concerned with portraying the relationships between a system and the environment in which it was located. He directed attention to the boundary between politics and other aspects of social life, and, postulated the existence of close relationship between the system and environment. Applying systems analysis to (political science, some researchers have developed lists of political functional requisites. One such list war developed by Gabriel Almond, who divides it into four input, and three output functions. The Gabriel Almond's attitudes to the systems analysis is strongly functional oriented. Heapplied the basic Talcott Parsons thesis to the political science considerations. Other scholar, K. W. Deutsch, presents systems analysis in a cybernetic framework. Political systems, from his point of view, are the self-controling, and self-organyzing communication net. Deutsch, however, does not limit his concern to the communication of information; in addition he wants to apply communication theory to the political decision making process, to the role and relative weight of mass media, compared with past memories, stereotypes and other media, and to areas of attetjon, perception and orientation, values and evaluation, goal-seeking, and decision making. The author stresses the fact that, as a scientific method, systems analysis concept, is nolt well developed yet. However, it presents a good background for interdisciplinary research of political institution in action. On the other hand, it cannot be tracted as a universal tool for analyzing all political phenomena. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016