How have American women voted in the first 100 years since the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment? How have popular understandings of women as voters both persisted and changed over time? In A Century of Votes for Women, Christina Wolbrecht and J. Kevin Corder offer an unprecedented account of women voters in American politics over the last ten decades. Bringing together new and existing data, the book provides unique insight into women's (and men's) voting behavior, and traces how women's turnout and vote choice evolved across a century of enormous transformation overall and for women in particular. Wolbrecht and Corder show that there is no such thing as 'the woman voter'; instead they reveal considerable variation in how different groups of women voted in response to changing political, social, and economic realities. The book also demonstrates how assumptions about women as voters influenced politicians, the press, and scholars.
"International indigenism" may sound like a contradiction in terms, but it is indeed a global phenomenon and a growing form of activism. In his fluent and accessible narrative, Ronald Niezen examines the ways the relatively recent emergence of an internationally recognized identity—"indigenous peoples"—intersects with another relatively recent international movement—the development of universal human rights laws and principles. This movement makes use of human rights instruments and the international organizations of states to resist the political, cultural, and economic incursions of individual states.The concept "indigenous peoples" gained currency in the social reform efforts of the International Labor Organization in the 1950s, was taken up by indigenous nongovernmental organizations, and is now fully integrated into human rights initiatives and international organizations. Those who today call themselves indigenous peoples share significant similarities in their colonial and postcolonial experiences, such as loss of land and subsistence, abrogation of treaties, and the imposition of psychologically and socially destructive assimilation policies. Niezen shows how, from a new position of legitimacy and influence, they are striving for greater recognition of collective rights, in particular their rights to self-determination in international law. These efforts are influencing local politics in turn and encouraging more ambitious goals of autonomy in indigenous communities worldwide
This thesis is about the story of the french protestants who fled away from France and the revocation of the Nantes edict in 1685. How did they arrive in Ireland and how did they establish a protestant refuge bearly similar to the ones in Dutchland, England and the Holy Empire. Thanks to various sources for this period, such as letters, mémoires and church registers, this thesis tries to demonstrate how politic, from national to international level, influenced the birth of the Irish sanctuary. Then the question of the intentionality remains, and maybe this sanctuary could be completely artificial, created by the collaboration of English and Dutch governments that sized the opportunity of a massive protestant exil out of France. But this thesis goes further than a simple political analyze, the heart of this work resides in the human dimension of the Irish refuge, interrogating about the social composition of the French protestant community. This human-sized look toward the protestant migration is the occasion to understand the horror of Louis XIV repression over huguenots, but also a interesting way to discovers the multiple ways from France to Ireland. Then this thesis could be an occasion to become familiar with the Irish history and geography, unfairly limited to the 19th century, time of the Great Famine and the rising against the British Empire. Finally the interest of this thesis resides in its capacity to introduce an unknown (to French people) protestant refuge, despite that nearly 5.000 to 10.000 huguenots crossed the sea to seek peace and security in the Emerald Island. ; Ce mémoire s'attache à expliquer comment les protestants Français ont fui la France au moment de la révocation de l'Édit de Nantes en 1685. Comment sont-ils arrivés en Irlande et comment y ont-ils établi un refuge protestant, plus ou moins similaire à ceux qu'il était possible de trouver dans d'autres pays d'Europe, comme en Hollande, en Angleterre ou le Saint-Empire Germanique. En faisant appel à diverse sources d'époque tels que des correspondances, mémoires et autres registres d'églises, ce mémoire tente de démontrer comment la politique, à l'échelle nationale et internationale, a influencé la création du refuge Irlandais, parfois jusqu'à se demander si celui-ci ne pourrait être qu'un refuge purement artificiel, créé par l'entremise des gouvernements anglais, hollandais et l'opportunité que représentait un exil massif des protestants hors du royaume de France. Mais au-delà d'un aspect géopolitique, ce mémoire est également une étude d'une partie de la population huguenote concernant son développement et également sa composition. Ce rapport plus humain face à la migration protestante permet de mieux comprendre l'horreur de la répression exercée par le régime de Louis XIV, mais aussi de découvrir les différents chemins qui mènent de la France à l'Irlande. Ceci constitue également une occasion de se familiariser avec l'histoire et la géographique de l'Irlande, injustement limitée au XIXe siècle de la famine et du soulèvement contre l'Empire britannique. Finalement, ce mémoire constitue l'occasion d'approcher la naissance et le développement d'un refuge protestant relativement méconnu en France, malgré le fait qu'environ 5.000 à 10.000 huguenots aient traversé la Manche pour s'installer sur la verte Erin.
This thesis is about the story of the french protestants who fled away from France and the revocation of the Nantes edict in 1685. How did they arrive in Ireland and how did they establish a protestant refuge bearly similar to the ones in Dutchland, England and the Holy Empire. Thanks to various sources for this period, such as letters, mémoires and church registers, this thesis tries to demonstrate how politic, from national to international level, influenced the birth of the Irish sanctuary. Then the question of the intentionality remains, and maybe this sanctuary could be completely artificial, created by the collaboration of English and Dutch governments that sized the opportunity of a massive protestant exil out of France. But this thesis goes further than a simple political analyze, the heart of this work resides in the human dimension of the Irish refuge, interrogating about the social composition of the French protestant community. This human-sized look toward the protestant migration is the occasion to understand the horror of Louis XIV repression over huguenots, but also a interesting way to discovers the multiple ways from France to Ireland. Then this thesis could be an occasion to become familiar with the Irish history and geography, unfairly limited to the 19th century, time of the Great Famine and the rising against the British Empire. Finally the interest of this thesis resides in its capacity to introduce an unknown (to French people) protestant refuge, despite that nearly 5.000 to 10.000 huguenots crossed the sea to seek peace and security in the Emerald Island. ; Ce mémoire s'attache à expliquer comment les protestants Français ont fui la France au moment de la révocation de l'Édit de Nantes en 1685. Comment sont-ils arrivés en Irlande et comment y ont-ils établi un refuge protestant, plus ou moins similaire à ceux qu'il était possible de trouver dans d'autres pays d'Europe, comme en Hollande, en Angleterre ou le Saint-Empire Germanique. En faisant appel à diverse sources d'époque tels que des correspondances, mémoires et autres registres d'églises, ce mémoire tente de démontrer comment la politique, à l'échelle nationale et internationale, a influencé la création du refuge Irlandais, parfois jusqu'à se demander si celui-ci ne pourrait être qu'un refuge purement artificiel, créé par l'entremise des gouvernements anglais, hollandais et l'opportunité que représentait un exil massif des protestants hors du royaume de France. Mais au-delà d'un aspect géopolitique, ce mémoire est également une étude d'une partie de la population huguenote concernant son développement et également sa composition. Ce rapport plus humain face à la migration protestante permet de mieux comprendre l'horreur de la répression exercée par le régime de Louis XIV, mais aussi de découvrir les différents chemins qui mènent de la France à l'Irlande. Ceci constitue également une occasion de se familiariser avec l'histoire et la géographique de l'Irlande, injustement limitée au XIXe siècle de la famine et du soulèvement contre l'Empire britannique. Finalement, ce mémoire constitue l'occasion d'approcher la naissance et le développement d'un refuge protestant relativement méconnu en France, malgré le fait qu'environ 5.000 à 10.000 huguenots aient traversé la Manche pour s'installer sur la verte Erin.
"When Allan Johnson asked his dying father where he wanted his ashes to be placed, his father replied--without hesitation--that it made no difference to him at all. In his poignant, powerful memoir, Not from Here, Johnson embarks on an extraordinary, 2,000-mile journey across the Upper Midwest and Northern Plains to find the place where his father's ashes belonged. As a white man with Norwegian and English lineage, Johnson explores both America and the question of belonging to a place whose history holds the continuing legacy of the displacement, dispossession, and genocide of Native peoples. More than a personal narrative, Not from Here illuminates the national silence around unresolved questions of accountability, race, and identity politics, and the dilemma of how to take responsibility for 'a past we did not create.' Johnson's story--about the past living in the present; of redemption, fate, family, tribe, and nation; of love and grief--raises profound questions about belonging, identity, and place"--
Master's thesis in Industrial economics ; This thesis will investigate whether Norway has a potential for a carbon capture and storage (CCS) industry. Norway has committed to the Paris agreement, and to reduce their non-ETS emissions by 40% from 2005 levels by 2030. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change revealed that if the climate goals in the Paris agreement shall be met, CCS will play an important role and represents a solution in three out of four possible pathways for reaching the desired target. Currently, CCS deployment is slow and only 18 CCS facilities are operating today worldwide. The Global CCS institute argues that we need to capture 3.75 Gtpa by year 2040 to achieve the climate targets in the Paris agreement. Norway has shown great interest for CCS, where it has been used at offshore platforms for decades. With the CCS test centre at Mongstad and the planned full-scale CCS facility from Norcem Brevik and Fortum Oslo, Norway can take a pioneering role and encourage global CCS deployment. This thesis will investigate how well suited the external framework around CCS is in Norway, and if the technology can offer a new important industry in Norway. The research was divided into two parts; a PESTEL analysis to highlight drivers and barriers for CCS deployment, and a mapping of CO2-emitting sources in Scandinavia to reveal if there is a market for CO2 storage in terms of access to industrial CO2 emissions and available storage capacity. The findings show that Norway is well positioned for large scale CCS deployment, particularly due to well-assessed storage capacity, sub-surface knowledge and experience, and public and private interest in investing in development of CCS projects. The mapping of CO2 sources indicates that there is a potential for a big market in Scandinavia, with large emitting sources accessible by ship. However, the research also revealed that there are many barriers. The EU Directive for CCS is currently creating financial and reliability barriers that discourage operators and investors from investing in CO2 storage. The technology has proven very costly, resulting in deficient political backing and incentives. Based on the above, it is concluded that Norway has great potential for CCS to become a new industry, but certain aspects would need to be solved before Norway can offer an environment in which CCS can thrive.
Over the past two decades, the notion of 'health security' has emerged as a central tenet of European Union (EU) public health policy. This PhD thesis examines the rise and implications of health security cooperation, associated with an imperative to fight 'bioterrorist attacks', pandemics and other natural or man-made events. The study is composed of an introductory chapter as well as five related but self-contained papers, based on participant observation and 52 in-depth interviews at the European Commission as well as the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC). More specifically, the thesis as a whole explores how security perspectives mattered in different ways for the rise and implications of health security cooperation in the EU. Unlike previous studies which have tended to focus on normative aspects and overarching global dynamics, the thesis examines drivers, contradictions and tensions in a particular, highly institutionalized context. In order to answer a set of empirically motivated questions, the papers draw on various understandings of securitization in critical security studies. The over-all findings cast light on the emergence of a new way of understanding health problems as rapidly emerging, and often external, 'cross-border threats to health'. The latter may include major infectious disease outbreaks, but also deliberate or accidental release of chemical or biological substances, natural disasters or any other unknown event assumed to threaten not only public health but society as a whole. In the search for potential crises, these are to be rapidly detected and contained rather than prevented in line with traditional public health policy. Partly arising from political speech acts after September 11 as well as bureaucratic practices carving out a role for the EU in public health, these new priorities have also been shaped by EU-specific digital surveillance tools, information sharing platforms and methodologies for managing risk. The findings also point to forms of reflexivity and instances of contestation within the EU institutions themselves, especially in relation to migrant health. As a whole, the thesis thus contributes empirically to a better understanding of how both health and security have come to be pursued within the EU institutions. Theoretically it highlights how approaches to securitization, drawn from partially different scholarly traditions, can be employed as empirically sensitive analytical tools and thereby add to a better understanding of the full prism of securitization processes.
En el presente trabajo, se planteó el objetivo de revisar avances en la aplicación de la norma internacional de información financiera en la región. Para el estudio se consideraron tres países Estados Unidos, México y Venezuela. Se recurrió al análisis de fuentes documentales que permitieron describir inicios y desarrollo de Normas Internacionales de Información Financiera (NIIF), determinar principales avances, a nivel mundial, en la homogenización de NIIF y caracterizar aspectos relevantes en materia de aplicación de NIIF en los países seleccionados. Concluyéndose que, a pesar de las diferencias socio-económicas, políticas y culturales, en los países objetos de estudios, con distintos grados de avances en la aplicación de las NIIF, se evidencia concurrencia en la aplicación de NIIF. Las grandes empresas y las PYMES, deberían aplicar obligatoriamente las NIIF a objeto de lograr la comparabilidad de la información financiera y además todo ello reafirma que las NIIF constituyen el lenguaje necesario en el ámbito empresarial y en los mercados financieros, proporcionándole confianza y transparencia al mercado, y haciendo suficiente, oportuna y comparable la información financiera. ; In this paper, the objective was to review progress in the implementation of international financial reporting standards in the region. Three countries were considered for this study: United States, Mexico and Venezuela. Documentary sources were analyzed to describe the beginning and development of International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS), determine global developments in the homogenization of IFRS and characterize relevant aspects in the application of IFRS in the selected countries. Concluding that in the countries studied, with significant differences in socio-economic, political and cultural, the coincidence is evident in the application of IFRS, with varying degrees of progress. Large companies and SMEs, should apply IFRS mandatory in order to achieve comparability of financial information and also reaffirms that all IFRSs are necessary language in business and financial markets, providing trust and transparency to market, and making adequate, timely and comparable financial information.
La présente recherche pluridisciplinaire a pour objectif principal d'analyser et d'évaluer de nouvelles potentialités de l'amélioration du fonctionnement des réseaux de voies rapides (RVR) avec leur maillage progressif et en particulier avec le développement des systèmes d'information des usagers. Cette recherche s'appuie principalement sur le cas concret du RVR d'Ile-de-France, représentatif par sa complexité structurelle et par les problèmes rencontrés lors de son exploitation et notamment ceux liés à la mise en œuvre opérationnelle du système d'exploitation : SIRIUS. L'examen de l'approche d'exploitation de ce réseau révèle deux problèmes majeurs qui sont au cœur de l'amélioration du fonctionnement des RVR : celui du manque d'outils adaptés et celui de l'organisation des acteurs. Partant de ces deux constats, notre recherche s'est focalisée sur deux axes : - développement, analyse, validation et prospective des outils d'exploitation, - analyse des aspects organisationnels et éléments de réflexion pour la définition de politiques d'exploitation. Cette recherche a consacré beaucoup d'effort au développement des outils et à l'élaboration des procédures pour la maîtrise du recueil automatique des données (RAD). Un enseignement de notre travail est d'avoir montré que, pour les systèmes d'exploitation comme SIRIUS, il s'agit là d'un aspect essentiel. L'approche de la détection automatique des bouchons (DAB) développée permet leur détection systématique et quasi instantanée, avec un taux de fausses alarmes raisonnable. L'application de cette approche de DAB devrait assurer une information fiable sur les encombrements. De manière générale, la maîtrise du RAD ouvre la voie à la prestation de différents niveaux de services dont l'impact en matière d'exploitation routière doit encore faire l'objet d'évaluations complémentaires. Parallèlement, nous démontrons que cette maîtrise - et plus généralement, celle de l'exploitation des RVR - dépend des réponses apportées à certains problèmes d'organisation. Dans un contexte ...
Religious belief plays an important role in society, particularly in pluralistic societies. There is therefore a social interest in promoting and defending respect for religious beliefs and non-beliefs. It is in this context that we wish to express our views on the Criminal Code (Amendment) Act, 2015. The Decriminalization of the Public Vilification of Religion: The introduction of more recent legal sanctions against hate crimes does not warrant the removal of Articles 163 and 164 which prohibit the vilification of religion, which is wholly different from criticising, ridiculing, censuring or even disparaging or hating. To vilify is to "render vile" and so what the law prohibits is the malicious, abusive debasement of religion, its adherents and its leaders; Article 2 of the Constitution of Malta is not to be seen in isolation but as part of Chapter One which lays down the following six most fundamental and equal civic values: the Republican governance of Malta, the Religion of Malta, the National Flag, the National Anthem, the National Language and the Constitution itself. Since the National Religion is on a par with the other five values, one cannot choose between them by requiring five to be treated with reverence and allowing the sixth to be subjected to vilification; Articles 163 and 164 should, therefore, not be deleted. However, there should be no difference between the sanctions imposed on those vilifying the Roman Catholic religion and those vilifying any other religion, belief or non-belief. The Decriminalisation of Pornography: The Bill states that the reason behind the amendment and the aim to be achieved is "to provide for the better implementation of the right to freedom of expression with regard to the striking of the necessary balance between the right of everyone to receive and impart information and ideas and the need to protect society and vulnerable persons in particular from certain forms of pornography and indecency;" The licensing of sex shops has nothing to do with the "freedom of expression" or the right "to receive and impart information". It is simply part of the sex industry and trade; One should ask how this fits into what the Constitution of Malta established on public morality, decency or morals. The safeguarding of public morality is so fundamental that it even expressly overrides the enjoyment of all fundamental human rights, let alone of profit making; The commercialization of the human body is always harmful to the dignity of the human person, even when this occurs with one's own consent. Sex and sexuality are more than just gratification and pleasure but they are a gift and an invitation for self-giving and for an interpersonal relationship with others; Why should it not be self-evident that the arguments in favour of public decency are more compelling than those in favour of public indecency? ; non peer-reviewed
Military support in law enforcement at national level was a theme that stressed the political discourse, academic debate and in general the "vox populi" on the shortcut under the government of Ec. Rafael Correa Delgado, especially in 2010 in four fundamental aspects that occur: the public manifestation of the Policia Nacional on September 30, 2010 and the subsequent emergency state decrees; issuing a precautionary measure issued by the Second Criminal Judge Twenty of Pichincha, which is ordered to the military support of the police institution for public safety; the proposal to amend the Public Safety Act and the State to boost military support in public security tasks; finally the issue of security policy in the "emerging policy against crime" in the National Plan of Integrated Security. The focus in this issue is that the policy of military support for the police work was applied to "pop" so therefore were not evaluated its scope; accordingly, with a comprehensive approach to objectivity, has conducted, an analysis of crime changes from 2006 to 2012, to determine the behavior before and after such support was the 2010 cutoff. The research was guided by a hypothesis: "The military support helps to reduce levels of crime", which could then assert the statistical data analysis, since decreased homicides committed with guns and on par have increased seizures of such weapons by the military. ; El apoyo militar en tareas policiales en el ámbito nacional fue un tema que acentuó el discurso político, el debate académico y en general el "vox populi" en el marco contextual el gobierno del Ec. Rafael Correa Delgado, en especial en el año 2010 en que se producen cuatro aspectos fundamentales: La manifestación pública de policías el 30 de septiembre del 2010 y los consecuentes decretos de estado de excepción; la emisión de una Medida Cautelar emitida por el Juez Vigésimo Segundo de Garantías Penales de Pichincha, en la que se ordena a las Fuerzas Armadas apoyen a la institución policial en favor de la seguridad ciudadana; la propuesta de reforma a la Ley de Seguridad Pública y del Estado para dinamizar el apoyo militar en tareas de seguridad ciudadana; finalmente la emisión de la política de seguridad, en la llamada "Política emergente contra la criminalidad" en el Plan Nacional de Seguridad Integral. El punto central en este tema es que la política de apoyo militar a la tarea policial fue aplicada de forma "emergente", por lo tanto no se han evaluado sus alcances; en consecuencia, con un amplio enfoque de objetividad, se ha llevado a cabo un análisis de las variaciones delictivas desde el año 2006 hasta el 2012, para determinar el comportamiento antes y después de dicho apoyo fue el año 2010 el punto de corte. La investigación tuvo la guía de una hipótesis: "El apoyo militar contribuye a la disminución de los niveles de delincuencia", lo que se pudo aseverar luego del análisis de datos estadísticos, puesto que han disminuido los homicidios cometidos con armas de fuego y a la par han aumentado las incautaciones de este tipo de armas por los militares.
En el marco de una investigación doctoral en curso que busca abordar la significación que construyen los funcionarios de la Policía Federal Argentina (PFA), la mayor institución civil armada existente en la Argentina, sobre el uso de la fuerza y las armas; este avance de investigación hace foco en la legislación que regula el accionar policial en este aspecto en particular. Entendemos que cobra relevancia aquí analizar no sólo la normativa escrita sino la forma en que ese sistema legal opera en la práctica y es aplicado por los funcionarios. Es fundamental analizar la ley por la importancia que posee a la hora de definir las prácticas policiales. Podemos observar un entramado en el que se van complementando y superponiendo la normativa dictada por la propia institución, la normativa nacional e internacional. Sin embargo, entendemos que los preceptos acerca de cómo utilizar la fuerza y las armas por los que se regirán los funcionarios no serán una mera reproducción de los estándares institucionales pero tampoco productos originales de cada agente aislado. Sería imposible que los miembros de la PFA puedan desempeñar sus funciones armónicamente sin un criterio común acerca de cómo utilizar su la fuerza y, por ende, su poder letal. Dicho criterio no se encuentra necesariamente plasmado en leyes o reglamentaciones formales. Existen habilidades, actitudes y prácticas particulares que pueden generalizarse y cobrar valor instituyente. Hay ciertos consensos en las formas de interpretar la ley que, sin importar lo que esta diga, determinan formas de actuar y de desempeñar sus tareas. ; As a part of an ongoing doctoral research which aim is to address the significance that the members of the Policía Federal Argentina (PFA), the biggest civil armed institution in Argentina, build about the use of force and the weapons; this research advance focus in the legislation that regulates this particular aspect of the police work. We understand that it is important not only to analyze the written legislation but to also the way this regulations relate to police actions and how they are applied by police members. It is fundamental to analyze the law due to the importance it has when it comes to defining police practice. It is possible to observe a framework in which the different regulations (police, national and international law) superpose and complement each other. Nevertheless, the main precepts about how to use the force and the weapons are not a mere reproduction of institutional standards but also not an original product of every single officer. It would be impossible that the members of the PFA could perform their duty without a common criterion of how to use their force, their lethal power. This criterion is not necessarily written in a formal regulation. There are abilities, attitudes and particular practices that can generalize and acquire institutional value. There is certain consensus in the way that the law should be interpreted that, without taking into account what it says, can determine certain ways of performing the police duty. ; Fil: Da Silva Lorenz, Mariana. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Quilmes; Argentina
This dissertation examines the centrality of symbolic and actual children to the transnational processes that propelled the 1959 Cuban Revolution and the subsequent formation of the US resident Cuban exile community. It argues that the bodies and symbolic representations of children were pressed into "nation-making" service by a Revolution that sought to fulfill Cubans' frustrated dreams of democratic governance, social equality, and national autonomy; however, as it turned swiftly towards socialism and the USSR in 1960, the state's imposition of new understandings and practices of childhood challenged Cuban middle class and Catholic values and traditions, provoking resistance to the new regime and sparking a massive exodus to southern Florida. Arriving in the United States at the height of the Cold War, Cuban refugees relied heavily upon child-centered anti-communist discourse to secure favorable treatment from the federal, state and municipal agencies and actors that oversaw their immigration and settlement. They and their US allies also made strategic use of representations of children to garner support from Miami's Anglo-American majority, many of whom were initially distressed by the rapid influx of Cuban refugees but sympathized with their Christian and middle class family values and anti-communist politics. Exiles thus developed a child-centered "creation myth" that explained their community's origins even as it promoted social coherence among a rapidly expanding but politically fragmented exile population. Children were similarly at the heart of exile leader's efforts to mobilize opposition to Fidel Castro's socialist Revolution and to elicit US support for their counter-revolutionary efforts and democratic-capitalist vision of their island nation's future. By 1962, when the resolution of the October Missile Crisis secured both the long-term viability of the Cuban Revolution and the indefinite extension of exiles' sojourn in the United States, struggles to define, control and make symbolic use of Cuban childhood had become inextricably intertwined with the mutually antagonistic ideologies and "nation-making" projects of the island and exilic Cuban communities. This "politics of childhood" resurfaced dramatically during the heated 1999 Elián González custody battle, revealing its ongoing importance to revolutionary and exilic community identities and to relations between the Cuba and the United States
This thesis highlights the very important influence of dwelling in the contemporary territorial framework, through the historical analysis of American, Brazilian and South African contexts. Since the nineteenth century, a lot of residents and property owners, sometimes backed by the real estate industry, extended their control and powers in a shared way beyond the spatial limits of houses and individual plots. They secured thereby the quality of life, the prestige and the property values inside the residential area. By doing so, they created true dwelling territories that impacted the functioning of metropolitan areas as well in the spatial field, with the establishment of residential communities, as in the institutional domain, through the proliferation of management and governance bodies. The relatively recent spread of gated communities, which are generally administered by homeowners or neighbourhood associations, explicitly illustrates this double dynamic. The thesis thus relates how the dwelling has been progressively territorialized since the nineteenth century. Furthermore, this phenomenon has been studied in parallel to a process of democratization of societies. In the three countries selected for this research, the empowerment at the neighbourhood level began in a post-abolition era. Then, the residential environments have been thought, more particularly in the upper middle and wealthy classes, as protective surroundings against the deep changes and problems experienced by urban areas at this time, but also as a way to reintroduce a racial and social hierarchy by means of segregation practices, when the previous slave order had just been set aside. This doctoral research aims to demonstrate that this historical root of the contemporary dwelling, largely designed in opposition to the city and sometimes even to a relatively more democratic functioning of the society, continues to influence the residential trends in some aspects. ; Cette thèse met en évidence, à travers l'analyse historique de contextes états-uniens, brésiliens et sud-africains, l'ampleur considérable prise par la dimension habitante dans l'architecture territoriale contemporaine. Depuis le dix-neuvième siècle, nombre de riverains et propriétaires, parfois aidés d'acteurs du secteur immobilier, ont étendu de manière mutualisée leur contrôle et leurs pouvoirs au-delà du domicile et de la simple parcelle individuelle, l'objectif étant notamment d'assurer une qualité de vie, un prestige et la valeur des biens au sein de l'environnement résidentiel. Agissant ainsi, ils ont de fait constitué de véritables territoires habitants, qui ont marqué le fonctionnement des agglomérations tout aussi bien dans le champ spatial, étant donné l'établissement de domaine résidentiels, que sur le plan institutionnel, avec la multiplication d'organes de gestion et de gouvernance. La propagation relativement récente d'ensembles résidentiels fermés, généralement administrés par des associations de propriétaires ou de riverains, illustre de manière particulièrement explicite cette double dynamique. La thèse relate ainsi comment l'habiter s'est peu à peu territorialisé depuis le dix-neuvième siècle. En outre, il fut entrepris l'étude de ce phénomène parallèlement à un processus de démocratisation des sociétés. Dans les trois pays sélectionnés pour cette recherche, l'affirmation de l'échelon habitant s'est initiée dans un contexte post-abolitionniste. L'environnement résidentiel fut alors pensé, notamment chez les strates sociales supérieures, comme un cadre protecteur face aux profondes mutations et problèmes de l'urbain de l'époque, mais également comme le moyen de réintroduire au moyen de pratiques ségrégatives une hiérarchie sociale et raciale, alors que l'ancien ordre esclavagiste venait d'être démantelé. Cette recherche doctorale cherche à démontrer que cette racine historique, d'un habiter contemporain se territorialisant face à la ville et parfois même à un fonctionnement relativement plus démocratique de la société, continue à influencer les tendances résidentielles par certains aspects.
"Flaubert 20 rutas", es el registro y selección en video de diferentes intervenciones en el transporte urbano de Bogotá que ponen de manifiesto cómo los buses y busetas se pueden convertir en un escenario móvil. Este contexto da lugar a las reflexiones de una actriz, adaptadas de textos de Gustave Flaubert (Francia 1821-1880), sobre temas comunes de la urbanidad y convivencia social en lo que él llama la buena sociedad, sin entrar en aspectos morales. En este sentido se establece la identificación de un espacio escénico habitado cotidianamente por pasajeros que al mismo tiempo son personajes reconocibles del entorno urbano y público. Desde la óptica de una videograbadora se observa que es el propio público el que decide entrar en el juego de esta disquisición, asumiendo y reconociendo el rol de espect-actor (Augusto Boal) de circunstancias cotidianas. El objetivo es comprobar desde una mirada irónica cómo se establece en estas situaciones teatrales concomitancia antropológica, cultural y política. ; Abstract. "Flaubert 20 routes" is the video register and selection of different performances given in the Bogota's urban transport, which convey how buses and small buses might become a mobile scenery. It is a context that gives way to the reflections of an actress, based on texts from Gustave Flaubert (France 1821-1880) on common themes related to civility and social live, as he said, for a good society, without considering moral aspects. In this sense, it is the portrayal of scenery which is being inhabited in a quotidian manner by passengers who, at the same time, are both known characters of the urban environment and audience. From the point of view of a video recorder, one observes that it is the public itself that decides to participate in the disquisition game by assuming and acknowledging the role of spectator-actor (Augusto Boal) in quotidian circumstances. The aim is to observe from an ironic angle how in these theatrical situations there is anthropological, cultural and political concurrence. ; Maestría