Suchergebnisse

Children of immigrants are a rapidly growing part of the U.S. child population. Their health, development, educational attainment, and social and economic integration into the nation's life will play a defining role in the nation's future. Nancy Landale, Kevin Thomas, and Jennifer Van Hook explore the challenges facing immigrant families as they adapt to the United States, as well as their many strengths, most notably high levels of marriage and family commitment. The authors examine differences by country of origin in the human capital, legal status, and social resources of immigrant families and describe their varied living arrangements, focusing on children of Mexican, Southeast Asian, and black Caribbean origin. Problems such as poverty and discrimination may be offset for children to some extent by living, as many do, in a two-parent family. But the strong parental bonds that initially protect them erode as immigrant families spend more time in the United States and are swept up in the same social forces that are increasing single parenthood among American families. The nation, say the authors, should pay special heed to how this aspect of immigrants' Americanization heightens the vulnerability of their children. One risk factor for immigrant families is the migration itself, which sometimes separates parents from their children. Another is the mixed legal status of family members. Parents' unauthorized status can mire children in poverty and unstable living arrangements. Sometimes unauthorized parents are too fearful of deportation even to claim the public benefits for which their children qualify. A risk factor unique to refugees, such as Southeast Asian immigrants, is the death of family members from war or hardship in refugee camps.
The authors conclude by discussing how U.S. immigration policies shape family circumstances and suggest ways to alter policies to strengthen immigrant families. Reducing poverty, they say, is essential. The United States has no explicit immigrant integration policy or programs, so policy makers must direct more attention and resources toward immigrant settlement, especially ensuring that children have access to the social safety net.

En la primera mitad de la década de 1920 importantes conflictos estudiantiles se produjeron en la UNC. Éstos estaban directamente ligados a los problemas no resueltos en la reforma de 1918. Los estudiantes demandaban la instauración del concurso docente, docencia y asistencia libres, democratización del gobierno universitario. Elementos novedosos en estos años fueron la proclama del derecho estudiantil a participar de manera directa en el gobierno universitario, la defensa de la autonomía de la institución y la función social de la universidad. Los jóvenes se consideraban a sí mismos responsables de producir el cambio social, político y cultural que necesitaba la sociedad. Los repertorios de acción colectiva se desarrollaron en base a tres ejes: la huelga, como elemento de presión; las asambleas, para legitimar las decisiones tomadas por los organismos representantes de los estudiantes como lo eran la Federación Universitaria y los centros de estudiantes; y el mitin, reunión pública masiva que cumplía la función de demostrar la fuerza y unidad del movimiento.Todos estos elementos se aglutinaron para luchar por los postulados reformistas que giraban en torno a la modernización de la UNC, ya reclamada en 1918. ; On the first half of the twenties important students conflicts it happened in the UNC. These conflicts were strongly related with outstanding problem on 1918 reform. Students demanded to introduce a lecturer selection system, free teacher education and study attendance, a democratic university government. New elements in these years were: the student rights to participate on the university government proclamation, institution autonomy defense and social university function. Young people thought of themselves as a social, political and cultural change that society needed. The collective action repertoires to developed on three lines: the strike, as pressure tool; the meetings, for to legitimate decision taken by representative students organization, like Federacion Universitaria, and students centers; and to hold a meetings, public huge reunion to play a force demonstration and unity of students movement function.All this aspects conjugated in order to fight for reform proposals that to revolve around to modernize of UNC, already demanded in 1918.

La evolución del turismo residencial ha provocado cambios fundamentales en las regiones mediterráneas. Los estudiosos de este proceso han fijado su atención en los aspectos relacionados con la cultura material y la estructura social. Por eso, son mayoría las investigaciones que hacen hincapié en el análisis de las dinámicas urbanísticas, los perfiles socioeconómicos de los turistas y los protagonistas de los distintos tipos de movilidad residencial, los impactos ecológicos o los cambios en las estructuras demográficas. Reconociendo la necesidad y la importancia de estos trabajos, aquí se propone recuperar el valor central de la cultura no material como factor explicativo. A partir de la teoría política del discurso de E. Laclau, se identifican y analizan las características de las principales posiciones ideológicas que actualmente compiten por conseguir una posición de hegemonía en el sistema turístico-residencial que se articula en las sociedades mediterráneas. El trabajo de campo realizado a través de la a licación de 37 entrevistas en profundidad y 6 grupos de discusión permite reconocer qué actores sociales se asocian a las posiciones más enconadas y cuál es la lógica de actuación de cada una. ; The development of residential tourism has brought about fundamental changes in the Mediterranean regions. Researchers have focused their attention on the aspects related to the material culture and the social structure. Therefore, most of the research emphasises the analysis of urban dynamics, the socioeconomic profile of the tourists and the protagonists of the different types of residential mobility, the ecological impacts, or the changes in the demographic structures. We acknowledge the necessity and importance of this research, but would like to regain the central value of non-material culture as an explanatory factor. Following E. Laclau's political theory of discourse, we identify and analyse the characteristics of the main ideological stances that are nowadays competing to achieve a hegemonic position in the residential-tourism system of Mediterranean societies. Our fieldwork, based on 37 in-depth interviews and 6 focus groups, allowed us to identify which social actors are associated with the most vehement viewpoints and what is the logic behind these.

La evolución del turismo residencial ha provocado cambios fundamentales en las regiones mediterráneas. Los estudiosos de este proceso han fijado su atención en los aspectos relacionados con la cultura material y la estructura social. Por eso, son mayoría las investigaciones que hacen hincapié en el análisis de las dinámicas urbanísticas, los perfiles socioeconómicos de los turistas y los protagonistas de los distintos tipos de movilidad residencial, los impactos ecológicos o los cambios en las estructuras demográficas. Reconociendo la necesidad y la importancia de estos trabajos, aquí se propone recuperar el valor central de la cultura no material como factor explicativo. A partir de la teoría política del discurso de E. Laclau, se identifican y analizan las características de las principales posiciones ideológicas que actualmente compiten por conseguir una posición de hegemonía en el sistema turístico-residencial que se articula en las sociedades mediterráneas. El trabajo de campo realizado a través de la aplicación de 37 entrevistas en profundidad y 6 grupos de discusión permite reconocer qué actores sociales se asocian a las posiciones más enconadas y cuál es la lógica de actuación de cada una.The evolution of residential tourism has brought fundamental changes in the Mediterranean regions. Students of this process have focused their attention on aspects of material culture and social structure. So are most investigations that emphasize the analysis of urban dynamics, socio-economic profiles of the tourists and the protagonists of the various types of residential mobility, ecological impacts or changes in demographic structures. Recognizing the need and importance of this work, here is to show the central value of nonmaterial culture as an explanatory factor. From political theory discourse of E. Laclau, identifies and analyzes the characteristics of the main ideological positions that are currently competing for a position of hegemony in the residential tourism system that is built in Mediterranean societies. Fieldwork conducted through the application of 37 interviews and six focus groups can recognize which social actors are associated with the positions most bitter and what is the logic of action of each.

Проведен анализ теорий «информационная экономика», «экономика, основанная на знаниях» и «инновационная экономика», отражающих особенности «новой экономики». «Новая экономика» исследована с учетом положений эволюционной экономической теории, что позволило выявить особенности трансформации социально-экономических отношений в доминирующем социально-экономическом укладе мирового хозяйства ; The purpose of the article is to investigate the features of new economy on the basis of points of the evolutional economic theory. The object of research is the processes of transformation of economic relations under the influence of new economy. The features of the economic processes formed under the influence of new economy, accompanied by the accelerated computerization of all the spheres of person's life, intellectualization of production, transformation of the sphere of services into the leading sector of the national product manufacture and population employment, are considered in the article. The analysis of the content of such theories as information economy, economy based on knowledge and innovative economy allows speaking about their cognitive compatibility and complementarity as the general object of research, new economy, exists. The application of the principles of the evolutional economic theory (economic synergy) as methodology of formation of the concept of new economy has allowed revealing features of transformation of social and economic relations in the dominating social and economic structure of the world economy. The results of the conducted research show that new economy is not just simple intersystem changes caused by occurrence of new economic sectors connected with the domination of the intellectual capital and informationcommunication technologies. It reflects the general-system changes when qualitative transformations influence the structure and all levels of the public system, when the technological way, the social and political organizations change. It is noticed that in new economy the objective conditions for development of informal institutes and relations caused by its raised dynamism, social roles and multiple aspects are created. At the same time, development of "new economy" is connected with strengthening of the processes of the organized intersubject interaction and transition from a spontaneous-competitive to a purposeful (adjustable) mode of self-organizing.

Spatial aspects of economic and social cohesion have become a major target in European policy in the last decades. By combining the structural funds with spatial development perspectives, the recently introduced concept of territorial cohesion obviously functions as link between EU regional policy and spatial development. In other terms, territorial cohesion should be considered as an umbrella concept complementing and reinforcing economic and social cohesion. The purpose of the paper thus is twofold. First, it is the aim to analyze briefly the socio-economic background and the changes in the regional economic structure of the EU, partly as a result of socio-economic changes, partly as a consequence of the enlargement from 15 predominantly wealthy mature marked economies with 12 transition economies and two small Mediterranean states. The first section also provides (1) a brief outline of the history and the political foundations of the emergence of the EU regional policy in the aftermath of the first attempts to create an Economic and Monetary Union; and (2) an analysis of the main trends in European economic convergence and disparities to provide empirical evidence why the issue has climbed upwards on the political agenda in the last decade. The second purpose is then to analyze the added value (if there is any) of the concept of territorial cohesion for economic and social convergence by providing an analytical overview of the changes in the spatial agenda from European spatial planning -starting in the 1970's with the establishment of the CEMAT by the European Council - to territorial cohesion and its implications for the EU regional policy. Furthermore, the paper discusses the recent attempts to integrate the issues of economic, social and territorial cohesion in the EU cohesion policy 2007-13 and the Lisbon Treaty on the reform of European Union. This section also analyzes the altered balance between the European and the national level with regard to spatial and territorial issues. The final section of the paper summarizes the main findings with special attention on the North European context.

The study explores the political choices and confl icts inherent in the "technical" specifi cations of any monetary system and some of the social scientifi c implications of the prevailing forms of money in the widest possible sense of the terms. As a constantly evolving social relation, no single theory of money is likely to capture its tremendous capacity for self-transformation. It is argued that the precise manner in which the prevailing forms of fi nancial capital in general and money in particular are socially constructed creates a privileged reality for financial capital which distorts competition among the diff erent factors of production and eliminates money's capacity to accurately capture and reproduce real world economic phenomena – if possible even in theory. Contrary to some of the traditional economistic legitimating narratives for money, it is suggested that control over the issuance and circulation of money may render various aspects of the human governable with a fraction of the resources that might be required to implement comparable combinations of coercion and rewards through alternative institutional mechanisms. While it is far from clear that money can ever be specifi ed in a manner that would solve its inherent political and social confl icts to an extent that would permit "economic" analysis to begin, some of the social and political implications of diff erent types of monetary institutions are often not beyond the reach of public policy decisions. A combination of a seigniorage-based unconditional basic income and a demurrage tax on money is introduced as an example of a specifi c public policy program that could rectify or mitigate some of the polarizing consequences of the prevailing forms of money as well as illuminate the spectrum of political choice inherent in the design of any monetary system. The study explains the continuing signifi cance of a wide spectrum of explanatory frameworks for the nature of money as a function of their strategic political utility rather than empirical accuracy and identifi es four main issue areas as particularly fruitful for further research.

Populist movements, particularly those of Latin America, have been perceived as an intellectual problematic object since its appearance. In several occasions they introduced in the public discourse the issue of «emancipation» of Latin American nations from foreign guardianships or oligarchic national minorities, and implemented nationalist state policies. This article examines aspects of the education policies of the governments of Getúlio Vargas in Brazil and Juan D. Perón in Argentina, especially the reform and expansion of technical-vocational education boosted by both of them. The study highlights the connection between these reforms and the groups and social classes which provided support to these governments and with the strategies of the application of power. The article briefly revises the different interpretations that populism has generated and refers to the current academic debate on the subject. The conclusion points at the fact, that populist governments present contradictory stages in their social and educational policies, perhaps as an expression of the difficult conflicts that still hit Latin American societies. ; Los movimientos populistas, en particular los latinoamericanos, han constituido desde su aparición un objeto intelectual problemático. En varios casos instalaron en el discurso público la cuestión de la «emancipación» de las naciones latinoamericanas respecto de tutelas extranjeras o de minorías nacionales oligárquicas, y aplicaron políticas estatales nacionalistas. En este artículo se analizan aspectos de las políticas educativas de los gobiernos de Getúlio Vargas en Brasil y de Juan D. Perón en Argentina, en especial la reforma y expansión de la enseñanza técnico-profesional impulsada por ambos. Estas reformas se ponen en relación con los grupos y clases sociales que dieron apoyo a dichos gobiernos y con las estrategias de ejercicio del poder desplegadas. Se pasa revista de manera abreviada a las diferentes interpretaciones que el populismo ha generado y se hace referencia al debate académico actual sobre el tema. Se concluye que los gobiernos populistas presentan facetas contradictorias en sus políticas sociales y educativas, quizás como expresión de difíciles conflictos que continúan afectando a las sociedades latinoamericanas.

This study investigates the transitioning terms of lesbian visibility and identity in the distinctive spatio-temporal context of Northampton, Massachusetts in the 1980s. Drawing on interviews with a diversified sampling of lesbian-, bisexual-, and queeridentified participants, I consider the coalescing of two lesbian communal formations – a social community and a social audience – as mediating sites for the interrelations between subculture and dominant culture. Informed by the literatures and methods of queer theory, cultural studies, and feminist film criticism, I examine the 1980s queer crossover from lesbian subcultural separatism to mitigated assimilation by the end of the decade. The 1980s crossover was a constellation of interlocking factors manifested through the entrance into national visibility of gay liberatory and feminist politics, the incorporation of overt lesbian sexuality into Hollywood and independent films, and the surfacing of the conservative and feminist backlashes alongside "Reaganomics." These converged in an anti-lesbian backlash produced in Northampton in the 1980s through the interrelations between the rapid revitalization of the city's downtown and the increasing visibility and concentration of the lesbian population. The emergence into public visibility of a lesbian social community and a lesbian social audience in 1980s Northampton prefigured questions about the desirability of a goal of cultural assimilation for lesbian and gay people along with concerns about the role of consumption in the assimilative process that were to become important to LGBT politics in the 1990s and 2000s. In this project, I consider the multidimensional and conflictual aspects of assimilation as well as the gender-specificities of lesbian film consumption and the lesbian Sex Wars as part of the crossover from subcultural separatism to mitigated assimilation. In spite of the strides in the acceptance of the lesbian population in Northampton in the 1980s, I argue that such changes were laden with tensions negotiated through the contradictions between appearances of tolerance and acceptance versus experiences of discrimination and violence. The constellation of factors that manifested in the 1980s queer crossover provided symbolic materials not only for a realignment of lesbian subjectivity, but also for a realignment of heterosexual subjectivity.

What we must keep in mind is that although nanotechnology is an emerging and high technology, it is still technology or, in other words, it has an instrumental nature and in order to study its effect on societies we have to consider the role of instruments' evolution in societies and study nanotechnology as the most recent part of this trend. In this article we study the nature of modern technologies, role of technology based economy on different social and political aspects of developing countries; we have a review on the concept of social and political modernity and describe how development of nanotechnology will accelerate those countries' modernization from social and political point of view in addition to modernizing their economy. So this paper is a cross‐disciplinary study between nanotechnology and social sciences. There are two different scenarios about the future of nanotechnology. One is the proof of radical nanotechnology and the other is the acceptance of the claim that nanotechnology is only an enabling technology. In the present paper, we studied the effects of both scenarios. The obstacles to modernity in Iran and potential effect of nanotechnology on them are studied as a case study. Nanotechnologija ir besivystančių šalių socialinis ir politinis šiuolaikiškumas: Irano atvejis Santrauka.Nors nanotechnologija yra nauja ir pažangi technologija, ji tėra tik instrumentas. Norint įvertinti josreikšmę visuomenei, reikia išnagrinėti panašių instrumentų raidą visuomenėse ir vertinti nanotechnologijąkaip naujausią tendenciją. Šiame straipsnyje ištirta šiuolaikinių technologijų prigimtis, technologijosvaidmuo žinių ekonomikoje skirtingais besivystančių šalių socialiniais ir politiniais periodais, apžvelgtossocialinio ir politinio šiuolaikiškumo sąvokos, apibūdinta, kaip išsivysčiusios nanotechnologijos pagreitinsšalių modernizaciją socialiniu ir politiniu požiūriu be jų ekonomikos modernizavimą. Šis straipsnisyra nanotechnologijos ir socialinių mokslų tarpdisciplininė studija. Yra du skirtingi nanotechnologijosateities scenarijai: pirmasis teigia, kad nanotechnologija sukels radikalių pokyčių; antrasis skelbia, kadnanotechnologija yra tiktai galimybių suteikimo technologija. Šiame straipsnyje tyrinėti abiejų scenarijųpadariniai, tirtos kliūtys šiuolaikiškumui Irane įsitvirtinti ir nanotechnologijos poveikis šaliai. Reikšminiai žodžiai: nanotechnologija, šiuolaikiškumas, Iranas, žinių ekonomika, prekinė priklausomybė,sociotechninė sistema, besivystančios šalys. First published online:21 Oct 2010

This thesis develops a theory of action, drawing chiefly on the work of Hannah Arendt and Michel Foucault. I begin with a discussion of some popular theories of action. As I argue, these theories tend to suffer from three problems: they do not distinguish action from everyday behaviour, they do not account for the way in which action transforms the identity of the actor, and they tend to neglect the innovative and initiatory character of action. In chapter two, I discuss Arendt's theory of political action, which goes a long way toward redressing these problems. However, the value of Arendt's work is limited by her characterisation of the public sphere as subsumed by a 'social' rather than political form of community. Accordingly, I follow Dana Villa and Bonnie Honig's suggestions that a broader understanding of action is required in order to overcome the weaknesses of Arendt's work. In chapters four and five, I demonstrate that a reading of Foucault can yield just such a broader understanding. I begin with an analysis of The History of Sexuality and the argument that the transformation of ethical subjectivity can function as a means of resistance to the normalising effects of power, before moving on to discuss the essay 'What Is Enlightenment?' I argue that these works are part of a 'transformative project,' in which Foucault aims to facilitate the transformation of subjectivity as a means of resistance to social normalisation. This transformative project can be adapted into a theory of action that locates action within contemporary society but shares some of the best aspects of Arendt's theory. Finally, drawing on the work of Foucault and Adriana Cavarero, these theoretical reflections are applied to a discussion of action in the context of small communities. Small-community models of action are an important consideration because they allow us to avoid the traditional dichotomy between action as a task for the individual who transgresses social norms and action as a project of social reform.

Far from being displaced by modernity, the exchange of women's textile valuables of little practical value but enormous ritual significance is increasing in importance in Tonga and amongst Tongan migrants in the industrial West. The dwindling production of and increasing demand for these textile valuables have prompted entrepreneurs to open pawnshops, where customers who are monetarily poor mortgage valuables and customers lacking in exchange networks buy unclaimed valuables. Pawnshops convert valuables into commodities and transform the social relations among those involved. However, the one emotion that underlies traditional exchange, shame, remains central to the transactions, albeit in unevenly distributed fashion. The transformation of textiles from gift to commodity displays both rupture and continuity with pre‐modern forms of exchange, continuity operating at the level of emotional subjectivities. Our analysis foregrounds objects, on the one hand, and emotions, on the other, as shaping the course of cultural and social history.RésuméLoin d'être supplanté par la modernité, l'échange des textiles féminins sans grande valeur pratique mais de signifiance rituelle considérable augmente en importance à Tonga et parmi les immigrés tongiens dans les pays occidentaux industriels. La production décroissante de ces textiles précieux et leur demande croissante ont motivés des entrepreneurs à ouvrir des monts‐de‐piété, où les clients manquant d'argent mettent à gage leurs textiles précieux et où les clients dépourvus de réseaux de fournisseurs achètent ceux qui restent non réclamés. Les monts‐de‐piété convertissent ces objets précieux en commoditiés et transforment les relations sociales entre les personnes concernées. Néanmoins, la honte, une émotion qui sous‐tend les échanges traditionnels, continue à occuper une position centrale à ces transactions, bien que de façon non équilibrée. La transformation des textiles en commoditiés présente aussi bien des aspects de rupture que de continuité avec les formes d'échanges pré‐modernes, où la continuité s'opère au niveau des subjectivités émotives. Notre analyse met en valeur le rôle déterminant des objets d'une part et des émotions d'autre part dans le cours de l'histoire sociale et culturelle.

The cities of Montevideo and Buenos Aires shared a similar process in the conformation of their historic tradition, since the creation of the Rio de la Plata´s Viceroyship in 1776. One of the main characteristics of these two cities was the ethnic and cultural heterogeneity of their inhabitants. The afro-americans were, in both cities, a very important group not only in politic and economic matters, but also in the socio-cultural aspect. Carnival -a popular and multiethnic celebration- was a privileged sociability contour for the consolidation of different identities as well as for the integration of the different social groups. This article compares the afro-american culture´s contribution to the both cities' "corsos" [kind of street parade performed during Carnival] in the second half of the XIX century. It is presumed that political and economic conditions that undergoes social practices, such us Carnival´s celebration, do not necessarily determine its development in time, but it has to do with particular and intrinsic matters. ; Desde la creación del Virreinato del Río de la Plata, en 1776, las ciudades de Montevideo y Buenos Aires compartieron un similar proceso en lo que respecta a la conformación de su tradición histórica. Una de las principales características de ambas ciudades fue la heterogeneidad étnica y cultural de sus habitantes. Los afroamericanos fueron, en ambas ciudades, un grupo muy importante no sólo en asuntos políticos y económicos, sino también en aspectos socio-culturales. El Carnaval- una celebración popular y multiétnica- fue un espacio privilegiado de sociabilidad tanto para la consolidación de diferentes identidades como para la integración de diversos grupos sociales. Este artículo compara la contribución de la cultura afroamericana en los corsos de Carnaval de ambas ciudades, en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. Se presume que las condiciones económicas o políticas que producen cambios en las prácticas sociales, como la celebración del Carnaval, no determinan necesariamente su desarrollo en el tiempo sino que están relacionados con procesos intrínsecos a su devenir histórico.

The cities of Montevideo and Buenos Aires shared a similar process in the conformation of their historic tradition, since the creation of the Rio de la Plata´s Viceroyship in 1776. One of the main characteristics of these two cities was the ethnic and cultural heterogeneity of their inhabitants. The afro-americans were, in both cities, a very important group not only in politic and economic matters, but also in the socio-cultural aspect. Carnival -a popular and multiethnic celebration- was a privileged sociability contour for the consolidation of different identities as well as for the integration of the different social groups. This article compares the afro-american culture´s contribution to the both cities' "corsos" [kind of street parade performed during Carnival] in the second half of the XIX century. It is presumed that political and economic conditions that undergoes social practices, such us Carnival´s celebration, do not necessarily determine its development in time, but it has to do with particular and intrinsic matters. ; Desde la creación del Virreinato del Río de la Plata, en 1776, las ciudades de Montevideo y Buenos Aires compartieron un similar proceso en lo que respecta a la conformación de su tradición histórica. Una de las principales características de ambas ciudades fue la heterogeneidad étnica y cultural de sus habitantes. Los afroamericanos fueron, en ambas ciudades, un grupo muy importante no sólo en asuntos políticos y económicos, sino también en aspectos socio-culturales. El Carnaval- una celebración popular y multiétnica- fue un espacio privilegiado de sociabilidad tanto para la consolidación de diferentes identidades como para la integración de diversos grupos sociales. Este artículo compara la contribución de la cultura afroamericana en los corsos de Carnaval de ambas ciudades, en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. Se presume que las condiciones económicas o políticas que producen cambios en las prácticas sociales, como la celebración del Carnaval, no determinan necesariamente su desarrollo en el tiempo sino que están relacionados con procesos intrínsecos a su devenir histórico.

Mit dem "rheinischen" Kapitalismus ist in den vergangenen Jahren auch das bundesdeutsche Modell der Sozialpartnerschaft in die Krise geraten. Dies wirft neue Fragen nach seiner Entstehung als eines westeuropäischen Sonderfalls auf. Ein wichtiges, bisher jedoch wenig beachtetes Problem bestand in der ideellen und institutionellen Einbindung der Industriearbeiter, die der neuen bundesdeutschen Ordnung zunächst vielfach distanziert gegenüberstanden. Anhand einer Fallstudie zur kommunistischen Bewegung im Ruhrgebiet beleuchtet der Aufsatz den mentalen und habituellen Wandel der Arbeiterschaft nach 1945 sowie die institutionellen Konsequenzen dieses Wandels. Die deutsch-deutsche Systemkonkurrenz mit dem "Arbeiterstaat" DDR hatte dabei besondere Bedeutung. Die "nationale" Deutschlandpolitik der DDR zerstörte einerseits ungewollt das kommunistische Betriebsmilieu und förderte den Niedergang direkten, autonomen Betriebshandelns. Andererseits verstärkte die kommunistische Herausforderung Bemühungen um eine positive Einbindung der Arbeiterschaft durch Gewerkschaften, Industrie und Staat. Angesichts einer tiefsitzenden Skepsis gegenüber der politischen Reife der Arbeiter und in Abwehr der SED-Politik erneuerte sich die gewerkschaftliche Arbeit; sie verstand sich zunehmend als institutionalisierte Konfliktbewältigung durch professionelle Verbändepolitik. Infolgedessen waren die westdeutschen Gewerkschaften nicht länger Weltanschauungsgemeinschaften. ; In recent years, the German model of 'social partnership' (Sozialpartnerschaft) has come under criticism. It is therefore now appropriate to reexamine the development of this social model following the Second World War. A central but hitherto neglected aspect of the early Federal Republic was the ideological and institutional integration of the industrial working classes. This article presents a case study of the communist movement in the Ruhr region, and describes the transformation of the mentality and habitus of industrial workers after 1945 as well as the institutional consequences of these changes. Confrontation between the two German states during the Cold War considerably influenced the political, social and economic integration of industrial workers. On the one hand, efforts made by the East German state to create a 'national resistance' movement in opposition to the Adenauer government inadvertently thwarted communist successes on the shop-floor level and furthered the decline of autonomous shop-floor radicalism. On the other hand, they gave succour to efforts made by trade unions, employers and the state to positively integrate the working classes into the new social order. Since the trade union leadership doubted the political reliability of post-fascist workers and rejected the propaganda campaigns of the Socialist Unity Party (SED), it turned to institutionalised bargaining far removed from the shop-floor level. This marked the end of West German trade unions as close-knit ideological communities.