Suchergebnisse

U ovome radu bavimo se pitanjem kako preferencije skupine individualaca spojiti u jednu preferenciju koja bi najbolje opisivala preferenciju društva. Na početku, u prvom poglavlju upoznajemo se s nekim od najpoznatijih načina glasovanja i problemima koji se javljaju prilikom primjene istih. U drugom poglavlju razmatramo funkciju društvenog blagostanja koja profile preferencije svih individualaca u društvu preslikava u jednu relaciju preferencije. Pokazujemo da kada postoje tri ili više alternative, ne postoji funkcija društvenog blagostanja koja zadovoljava određene uvjete. Zatim u trećem poglavlju se bavimo funkcijom društvenog izbora koja sve profile preferencije skupine individualaca preslikava u jednu alternativu, i to onu koja bi društvu bila najpoželjnija. Tu također pokazujemo da takva funkcija ne postoji u slučaju kada imamo tri ili više alternativa i određene uvjete koje bismo htjeli da funkcija zadovoljava. U četvrtom poglavlju, u obzir uzimamo i mogućnost manipulativnosti, odnosno gledamo što se događa ako individualci iskažu preferencije koje se razlikuju od njihovih stvarnih preferencija. Na kraju, u petom poglavlju razmatramo slučaj ponderiranog glasovanja, gdje svaki individualac na raspolaganju ima određen broj glasova koji mu je dodijeljen prema nekim pravilima te proučavamo dva načina na koja možemo odrediti koliku moć ima odredeni individualac u takvim sustavima glasovanja. ; In this thesis we deal with the question of how to aggregate preferences of a group of individuals into a single preference that would best describe preference of the society. At the beginning, in the first chapter we meet some of the most famous voting systems and problems encountered when applying them. In the second chapter, we consider the social welfare function which maps profile preferences of all individuals into one preference relation. We show that when there are three or more alternatives, there is no social welfare function that meets certain conditions. Then, in the third chapter, we're dealing with a social ...

Cilj ovog rada je istražiti u kojoj mjeri Europski sud pravde (ESP) odluke o prethodnim pitanjima u području socijalnih naknada za ekonomski neaktivne migrante, državljane Europske unije (EU), donosi strateški, a u kojoj se mjeri nacionalni sudovi u tim područjima pokoravaju odlukama ESP-a. Rad pri tome nastoji doprinijeti boljem razumijevanju utjecaja sudstva na javne politike putem procedure prethodnih pitanja EU-a. Kako je područje socijalne politike izrazito konfliktno, ovaj rad pretpostavlja da će aktivnosti ESP-a u tome području u najvećoj mjeri odražavati strateško balansiranje između dublje EU integracije putem sudskih praksi i poštivanja nacionalnih (fiskalnih) interesa i nadležnosti. Autor poseže za interguvernmentalnom teorijskom perspektivom racionalnog izbora i primjenjuje ju na primjeru Njemačke gdje su tri nedavna slučaja pristupa socijalnim naknadama (tj. posebnim nekontributivnim davanjima) upućena ESP-u na odlučivanje o prethodnim pitanjima (Dano C-333/13, Alimanović C-67/15 i García-Nieto C-299/14). Zaključci se temelje na rekonstrukciji političkih okolnosti, prethodne sudske prakse ESP-a, priloženih obrazloženja u slučajevima te konačne presude nacionalnih sudova. ; The purpose of this paper is to investigate to what extent the European Court of Justice (ECJ) decides strategically on preliminary references in matters of access to social benefits by economically inactive EU migrants, and to what extent national courts decide to comply with ECJ preliminary rulings in these issues. In doing so, this paper attempted to contribute to a better understanding of judiciaries' impact on public policy through the EU preliminary reference procedures. Knowing that the field of social policy is highly conflict-laden, this paper assumes that the ECJ activity in this area will largely reflect a strategic balancing between deeper EU integration through case law and respect for national (fiscal) interests and competences. The paper draws on an intergovernmental, rational-choice theoretical perspective and applies it in a case study on Germany, where three cases (Dano C-333/13, Alimanovic C-67/15 and García-Nieto C-299/14) regarding the access to social benefits (i.e. special non-contributory benefits) have recently been referred to the ECJ. To draw conclusions, the author traces political circumstances, previous ECJ case law, ECJ reasoning in the case studies and final verdicts by national courts.

The author outlines the chief features of the constructivist moral conception in its Kantian variant & argues that such a moral conception had been unjustifiably looked over in relation to the traditional moral conceptions such as utilitariarism, intuitionism & perfectionism. The central idea of Kantian constructivism is linking certain notions of the person & principles of justice that should regulate basic social institutions by means of the constructivist procedure. The author's starting point is the conception of moral persons as free & equal. He claims that an appropriate connection among thus perceived persons & the first principles of justice is established in such a way that the first principles are chosen under reasonable conditions in which individuals possess solely such qualities. The reasonable conditions consist of the symmetrical situatedness of the "choosers," the veil of ignorance (which obscures the morally irrelevant features of persons' attributes) & the publicity condition. The author's goal is to reach a proper viewpoint on the basis of which citizens are to judge their fundamental social institutions & in that way achieve consensus on the need for & the direction of their reform. Adapted from the source document.

The paper examines the influence of neoclassical economics on the sociological approach to individual & collective behavior. The first part discusses the limitations of the Beckerian "hardcore" rationality model (homo economicus), leading to a dead-end street crowded with blinded economists & misled sociologists, as well as the virtues of the Simonesque "softcore" (or "contextual") rationality model, embracing the necessary sociocultural extensions. The second part of the paper confronts the "contextual," rational choice model with the "homo socioeconomicus" model of "embedded" rationality. Rejecting the "exogenous" (cynical) treatment of various effects of social interaction, displayed through the notion of refraction of rationality, the latter approach offers a more complex view of human motives partially molded by evolutionary (institutional) imperatives. 79 References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper examines the influence of neoclassical economics on the sociological approach to individual & collective behavior. The first part discusses the limitations of the Beckerian "hardcore" rationality model (homo economicus), leading to a dead-end street crowded with blinded economists & misled sociologists, as well as the virtues of the Simonesque "softcore" (or "contextual") rationality model, embracing the necessary sociocultural extensions. The second part of the paper confronts the "contextual," rational choice model with the "homo socioeconomicus" model of "embedded" rationality. Rejecting the "exogenous" (cynical) treatment of various effects of social interaction, displayed through the notion of refraction of rationality, the latter approach offers a more complex view of human motives partially molded by evolutionary (institutional) imperatives. 79 References. Adapted from the source document.

Henjak looks into the phenomenon of party competition by referring to the works of the proponents of the theory of rational choice, which does not presuppose close links between political entrepreneurs & social groups. Henjak tries to prove that party competition has its temporal dimension within which parties have different goals that depend on their competitive situation. Henjak goes on to prove that various models of the analysis of party competition are to a large extent linked with the original assumptions that determine their explanatory power. In conclusion, Henjak outlines the factors determining the choice of the goals & the strategies of party competition, especially the factor of party organization. 14 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author gives a short account of his broadly based studies on the theory of public choice & the financing of the public sector in the industrialized countries of the world. In this context, he first defines the theory of choice & its relation to the financing of the public sector & then reviews the evolution of the theory of public choice in the history of human development, with special focus on the most recent trends. He then explores the fundamental principles of public choice in the functioning of the contemporary state & its consequences for the economic & social development of the developed countries. In conclusion, the author lists the essential requirements regarding the possibility of the implementation of the theory of public choice in Croatian theory & practice relating to collective decisions regarding the financing of public needs. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

Upoznali smo se sa kvantitativnim mjerilima političke snage u sustavu glasovanja da-ne i njenim utjecajima na konačni rezultat glasovanja. Iskazali smo kvantitativna mjerila političke snage pomoću četiri rezultata, a to su Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnston i Deegan-Packel indeks snage, koje smo prikazali pomoću primjera. Pristupanjem novih članica koaliciji iskazali smo paradoks novih članova, gdje nam se čini da indeks snaga treba biti manji, a zapravo je veći. Na primjeru saveznog sustava SAD-a smo vidjeli snagu predsjednika, članova Senata i Zastupničkog doma. Takđer, opisali smo paradoks predsjedavajućeg. Pomoću pojma ordinalne snage, definirali smo jesu li snage pojedinog glasača usporedive ili neusporedive. ; We introduced us with the quantitative measure of political power in the yes-no voting system and its influence on the final voting result. We have presented the quantitative measures of the political power by four results, which are Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnson and Deegan-Packel index of power which were shown by means of examples. With the joining of new members to the coalition, we have shown the paradox of new members, where the power seemed to be smaller but is actually bigger. In the example of the U. S. federal system, we have seen the power of president, members of the Senate and the House of Representatives. We presented the president's power which is a paradox called The Chair's Paradox. Through the ordinal power we have defined when we can say that power of voter is comparable or incomparable.

Upoznali smo se sa kvantitativnim mjerilima političke snage u sustavu glasovanja da-ne i njenim utjecajima na konačni rezultat glasovanja. Iskazali smo kvantitativna mjerila političke snage pomoću četiri rezultata, a to su Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnston i Deegan-Packel indeks snage, koje smo prikazali pomoću primjera. Pristupanjem novih članica koaliciji iskazali smo paradoks novih članova, gdje nam se čini da indeks snaga treba biti manji, a zapravo je veći. Na primjeru saveznog sustava SAD-a smo vidjeli snagu predsjednika, članova Senata i Zastupničkog doma. Takđer, opisali smo paradoks predsjedavajućeg. Pomoću pojma ordinalne snage, definirali smo jesu li snage pojedinog glasača usporedive ili neusporedive. ; We introduced us with the quantitative measure of political power in the yes-no voting system and its influence on the final voting result. We have presented the quantitative measures of the political power by four results, which are Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnson and Deegan-Packel index of power which were shown by means of examples. With the joining of new members to the coalition, we have shown the paradox of new members, where the power seemed to be smaller but is actually bigger. In the example of the U. S. federal system, we have seen the power of president, members of the Senate and the House of Representatives. We presented the president's power which is a paradox called The Chair's Paradox. Through the ordinal power we have defined when we can say that power of voter is comparable or incomparable.

The changes in the social position of women in transitional countries is the consequence of the latest economic & political changes in the countries of Central & Eastern Europe. Croatians think that the social position of women today is worse than in the former regime; in this, women are more critical than men, particularly well-educated women, working outside the home (modernists). Those who believe that the position of women today is better than it used to comprise a smaller group; they believe that a woman's place is primarily in the home, that the church should have a decisive say in the position of women, that women are not born for politics, & that pro-choice attitudes should not be tolerated. Women should resolve their dissatisfaction with their lives & social position by choosing either the modern or the traditional variant, or a middle path, which has been suggested by the logic of the newly created living conditions. 8 Tables, 2 Graphs, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author compares Hobbes' state of nature & Rawls' original position in an attempt to answer the question: How to arrive at a community starting from individualistic premises? The comparison shows a striking similarity between Hobbes' & Rawls' initial positions showing itself in the radical equality of the denizens in both "states of nature" & the insistence on the part of both authors to secure recognition of such equality. The essentially similar conditions in the state of nature suggest that the difference between their "social contracts" should lie in the other parts of their theories. The decisive differences lie in Rawls' assumption that individuals are motivated by a sense of justice (much stronger than in Hobbes' theory) that enables a choice of principles of justice in Rawls' state of nature. The agreement on principles is an expression of human sociability, while an agreement on a sovereign is a concession to human unsociability. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

Taking into consideration all the benefits & pitfalls of its political, economic, military, & cultural legacies, the People's Republic of China has adopted a policy of reliance on rapid economic growth & improvement of the standard of living conducive to political & social stability of Chinese society & state. This goal has been accomplished only temporarily & partially, while the final result depends primarily on the ability of the Chinese leadership to find the golden mean between the two opposites: the closed political system & the need to maintain an open economy. In its search for a place in today's world, China is faced with the central choice of equitable participation in the global community: full acceptance of its mechanisms & principles (beginning with the UN) & international trade norms, the protection of human rights, armament control, environmental protection, etc. However, the Chinese see in this a threat of the erosion of Chinese independence & the possibility of choice & political independence of the Chinese state. Adapted from the source document.

The author explains the policy account of government & points out that policy is only one of the many possible accounts of the process of government. The policy perspective is characterized by an understanding of government as a more or less conscious attempt to manage collective problems. Still, even inside the policy camp, there are three different accounts of policy: authoritative choice, structured interaction & social construction. The author concludes that the three accounts are complementary & useful for understanding the process of government. References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes the influence of familial "political biographies" during WWII on party preferences. The survey has shown that about 50% of its subjects have a single-track political biography (they belonged to either the partisan movement (NOB) or the army of the Independent Croatian State (NDH). The individuals whose political biography is NOB-inclined have a markedly more negative attitude towards the Croatian state of WWII & Ante Pavelie, positively assess Josip Broz Tito, are less religious & prefer leftist parties. The individuals who have the NDH biography have a positive opinion of the Croatian state during WWII & Ante Pavelie, negatively assess Josip Broz, are much more religious, & vote for the parties of the Right. The individuals whose families did not get involved in the conflict, or whose families have a "mixed" political biography, are moderately religious & largely vote for centrist parties. Besides the political biography factor, the degree of religiosity has proved an extremely important factor in the choice of political parties. 15 Tables, 6 Figures, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author compares Hobbes' state of nature & Rawls' original position in an attempt to answer the question: How to arrive at a community starting from individualistic premises? The comparison shows a striking similarity between Hobbes' & Rawls' initial positions showing itself in the radical equality of the denizens in both "states of nature" & the insistence on the part of both authors to secure recognition of such equality. The essentially similar conditions in the state of nature suggest that the difference between their "social contracts" should lie in the other parts of their theories. The decisive differences lie in Rawls' assumption that individuals are motivated by a sense of justice (much stronger than in Hobbes' theory) that enables a choice of principles of justice in Rawls' state of nature. The agreement on principles is an expression of human sociability, while an agreement on a sovereign is a concession to human unsociability. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.