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Studies on the patterns of marital selection began in the 1920s, and since then researchers have identified a set of variables that should be taken into account in marriage selection research. In this study the following variables are considered: age, nationality, race, social class, environmental background, attitude to faith, religion, attitude to religious practices, education, current employment status, previous marital status, number of marriages, number of children from previous marriages, and financial situation before the present marriage. One hundred and twelve Polish women who married foreigners from non-European cultures took part in the study. Their husbands were representatives of African, Asian and Australian countries; none of them came from Europe or the Americas.The aim of the study is to examine marital selection among intercultural marriages and to provide new knowledge on the subject. In connection with the adopted topic, the purpose of the research and the analysis of the literature on the subject, the main problem of the research was formulated as follows: what are the similarities and differences in marital selection in intercultural marriages?The study revealed that, in most cases, marital selection among the couples who participated in the study followed a similar social biography: the spouses were of a similar age (79.5%) and shared race (90.1%), social class (74.1%), environmental background (61.6%), education (56.2%), attitude to faith (92.8%), and their financial situation before the present marriage (65.2%). The results obtained confirmed Farle's theory, in which he distinguished three main factors influencing the frequency of intercultural marriages: military service, higher education and place of residence. The analysis of the data indicates that the majority of the respondents lived in big cities (57.1%), and higher education was the most common level of education among both the respondents (60.7%) and their husbands (41.1%).

Studies on the patterns of marital selection began in the 1920s, and since then researchers have identified a set of variables that should be taken into account in marriage selection research. In this study the following variables are considered: age, nationality, race, social class, environmental background, attitude to faith, religion, attitude to religious practices, education, current employment status, previous marital status, number of marriages, number of children from previous marriages, and financial situation before the present marriage. One hundred and twelve Polish women who married foreigners from non-European cultures took part in the study. Their husbands were representatives of African, Asian and Australian countries; none of them came from Europe or the Americas.The aim of the study is to examine marital selection among intercultural marriages and to provide new knowledge on the subject. In connection with the adopted topic, the purpose of the research and the analysis of the literature on the subject, the main problem of the research was formulated as follows: what are the similarities and differences in marital selection in intercultural marriages?The study revealed that, in most cases, marital selection among the couples who participated in the study followed a similar social biography: the spouses were of a similar age (79.5%) and shared race (90.1%), social class (74.1%), environmental background (61.6%), education (56.2%), attitude to faith (92.8%), and their financial situation before the present marriage (65.2%). The results obtained confirmed Farle's theory, in which he distinguished three main factors influencing the frequency of intercultural marriages: military service, higher education and place of residence. The analysis of the data indicates that the majority of the respondents lived in big cities (57.1%), and higher education was the most common level of education among both the respondents (60.7%) and their husbands (41.1%).

Mimo ścisłych związków między technologią i stosunkami międzynarodowymi istnieje niewiele prac w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych, które podejmują próbę teoretycznego połączenia obu tych sfer rzeczywistości społecznej. Podstawowym celem artykułu jest historyzacja technologii militarnej w społecznej historii stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor przedstawia proces historycznego wzrostu znaczenia technologii militarnej w funkcjonowaniu społeczeństw i jej destruktywny wpływ na życie społeczne. Przekonuje, że nowe technologie rozwinaje są przez istoty ludzkie, a nie "odkrywane". Dokonane wynalazki odzwierciedlają określone interesy, posiadanie adekwatnych zasobów do ich dokonania i istnienie określonego instytucjonalnego wsparcia. W takim rozumieniu nauka, technologia i innowacje są funkcją ludzkich wyborów, interesów, idei, instytucji i zasobów. ; Despite close connections between technology and international relations, there are few works in international relations studies that would make an attempt to theoretically connect both of these two spheres of social reality.The main aim of the article is a historization of military technology in a social history of international relations. The author presents the process of historical growth of importance of military technology in functioning of societies and its destructive influence on social life. He convinces one that new technologies are developed, not "discovered" by human beings. Inventions reflect specific interests, owning proper resources to develop them and the existence of determined institutional support. In this understanding, science, technology and innovations are functions of human choices, interests, ideas, institutions and resources.In the first part of the article, the author presents relations between science, technology and innovations, as well as main attitudes in international relations studies in the context of comprehending these relations. Problems caused by technological development are also discussed. In the second part of the article, the author presents the meaning of military technology in international relations through its historization. By showing different contexts of "war machines" (horse, chariot, cavalry, cannons, conventional and nuclear weapon, information technology),one can observe the influence of military technology on international relations in the process of uneven and related development of different societies in different times from antiquity to the present day. In particular, the results of transformation of relations between armed forces and scientific institutions after World War II into permanent structures of society and government are shown. On the example of United States of America, the author points negative consequences of forming bureaucratic national security services for many aspects of social life. Finally, referring to James Der Derian's analysis, the author presents transformative influence of information technology on international relations.

Przypadek Polski doskonale pokazuje skalę rozbieżności pomiędzy badaczami, którzy z jednej strony krytykują specyficzny charakter polskiej wersji podziału lewica–prawica, a z drugiej strony dostrzegają jednak jego ważną rolę w procesie samoidentyfikacji aktorów politycznych i społecznych oraz zdolność do porządkowania życia politycznego – partie definiują się w określony sposób, a wyborcy trafnie owo pozycjonowanie rozpoznają i w oparciu o nie podejmują decyzje wyborcze.Celem niniejszego artykułu jest sproblematyzowanie owych rozbieżności w dwojaki sposób. Po pierwsze, poprzez ukazanie, iż u genezy tego "problemu" tkwią założenia związane z teorią racjonalnego wyboru. To pozytywistyczna ontologia oraz epistemologia leżące u podstaw paradygmatu racjonalnego wyboru pozwoliły na sformułowanie problemu, który z perspektywy podejść interpretatywnych byłby raczej nieodłączną częścią życia politycznego. Po wtóre, poprzez zastosowanie do badaniapodziału lewicowo-prawicowego założeń konstruktywizmu w celu zbadania roli, jakie pełni omawiana dychotomia w procesach komunikowania i konstruowania porządku politycznego. ; The case of Poland perfectly illustrates the scale of discrepancies between researchers who, on the one hand, criticize the specific nature of the Polish version of the left-right split, but on the other emphasize its important role in the process of identifying political and social actors and the ability of dichotomy to organize political life. Political actors define themselves in a specific way, allowing voters to recognize these acts of self-positioning and rely on them to make electoral decisions. The purpose of this paper is to problematize these divergences in two ways. First, by showing that the origin of this 'problem' lies in the assumptions underlying the theory of rational choice. It is claimed that it is the positivist ontology and epistemology underlying the paradigm of rational choice that produced 'the problem', which – from the perspective of interpretative approaches – constitutes an inherent part of political life. Secondly, by applying the assumptions of constructivism to the study of the left-right division in order to investigate the role of dichotomy in the political communication processes and construction of political order.

Przypadek Polski doskonale pokazuje skalę rozbieżności pomiędzy badaczami, którzy z jednej strony krytykują specyficzny charakter polskiej wersji podziału lewica–prawica, a z drugiej strony dostrzegają jednak jego ważną rolę w procesie samoidentyfikacji aktorów politycznych i społecznych oraz zdolność do porządkowania życia politycznego – partie definiują się w określony sposób, a wyborcy trafnie owo pozycjonowanie rozpoznają i w oparciu o nie podejmują decyzje wyborcze. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest sproblematyzowanie owych rozbieżności w dwojaki sposób. Po pierwsze, poprzez ukazanie, iż u genezy tego "problemu" tkwią założenia związane z teorią racjonalnego wyboru. To pozytywistyczna ontologia oraz epistemologia leżące u podstaw paradygmatu racjonalnego wyboru pozwoliły na sformułowanie problemu, który z perspektywy podejść interpretatywnych byłby raczej nieodłączną częścią życia politycznego. Po wtóre, poprzez zastosowanie do badania podziału lewicowo-prawicowego założeń konstruktywizmu w celu zbadania roli, jakie pełni omawiana dychotomia w procesach komunikowania i konstruowania porządku politycznego ; The case of Poland perfectly illustrates the scale of discrepancies between researchers who, on the one hand, criticize the specific nature of the Polish version of the left-right split, but on the other emphasize its important role in the process of identifying political and social actors and the ability of dichotomy to organize political life. Political actors define themselves in a specific way, allowing voters to recognize these acts of self-positioning and rely on them to make electoral decisions. The purpose of this paper is to problematize these divergences in two ways. First, by showing that the origin of this 'problem' lies in the assumptions underlying the theory of rational choice. It is claimed that it is the positivist ontology and epistemology underlying the paradigm of rational choice that produced 'the problem', which – from the perspective of interpretative approaches – constitutes an inherent part of political life. Secondly, by applying the assumptions of constructivism to the study of the left-right division in order to investigate the role of dichotomy in the political communication processes and construction of political order.

The aim of study was to inverstgate the preffered by young people of personal models and factors influencing them. The study was conducted in 1999 and 2011 on the sample of high school students (third class), using questionnaire "personal patterns". The results show that the choice by young people of personal models occurs in conjunction with the family, school, theachers, peers and the media. Young people from these communities draws behavioral models from the different situations of everyday life, the system of social norms and values. Young people from these communities also draws models of socialization. In particular, the mass media (according to research) is an important and attractive component of the educational environment of youth, presenting different lifestyles and value systems, used by the adolescents.

Disability and reproductive justice. Mapping disabled women's experiences

The aim of this paper is to map experiences of disabled women regarding parenthood and childfreeness/childlessness as well as support in upbringing their own children. The concept of reproductive justice is employed, as it proposes a critical approach to understanding how societies construct who can and should be a parent. Approaching the question of individual choice in a broad social context, I analyse factors that shape experiences of disabled women in Poland (e.g. restrictions on parenting of disabled persons or lack of marriage equality).
Keywords: reproductive justice, disabled women, motherhood, reproductive choice

Strategies are usually long-term plans. However, many problems appear if they are considered essential issues of social life and economic security, especially considering the need to make choices concerning conditions of limited resources. Another issue is the dilemma of achieving individual goals in the conditions of global interdependencies. One of the key requirements of nation-states is to ensure energy security; therefore, governments are strongly focused on establishing a stable, enduring, and useful energy strategy. Therefore, the point of importance is factors that will be able to ensure energy efficiency, economic stability, security, and in parallel, sustainable developmentboth on the national and global levels. Drawing from the above, this study investigates the reasons for the indispensability to carry out an energy market systemic reform in Poland with consideration of economic argumentation. The theories of economic growth, especially of endogenous kind, is taken into consideration. It is also argued that to achieve sustainable economic growth and social development in the long run, it would be reasonable to simultaneously concentrate on human capital and technologies. More advantages will be gained through intergovernmental cooperation, within regional groups such as the Visegrad Group and at the supranational EU level. This conviction is motivated by the principles of public choice theory.

The article is the key to understanding the political attitudes and n of young Poles in the year in of elections to the European Parliament, as well as to the Polish Parliament took place. The goal defined in such a way determined the choice of research method and technique in the spirit of the neopositivist paradigm, i.e. quantitative research. A nationwide survey conducted on September 5–23, 2019 allowed to determine socio-political preferences and attitudes of young Poles in 2019. The results showed a picture of a passive social group with unspecified views, having a negative opinion on political life and not interested in political life

This paper is a short commentary on Elinor Ostrom's criticism of 'The Tradegy of Commons', which is part of her research on Common Pool Resources (CPR) institutions. She delivered an institutional theory of Common Pool Resources governance and also seriously undermined so called social paradoxes, as Olsons' logic of collective action or prisoners dilemma as a model of social situations. The core of these social paradoxes and Garett Hardin's Tragedy of Commons respectively, is an assumption of rational choice taken by an isolated, selfish and egoistic individual. In Ostroms opinion such theories are not really wrong, but are very special cases in the World of interpersonal communication, customs and institutions. Ostrom has developed an institutional analysis of CPR governance and formulated basic rules of a good and durable CPR Institution. Ostroms' works takes account of both laissez-faire and centralized, government-run allocation as the wrong approach toward management of the Commons. These analyses seem useful in Poland, where nowadays CPR governance is highly centralized.

The subject of the publication is the analysis of selected areas of family agency during the COVID-19 pandemic in Poland. It is aimed at showing the complexity of the adaptation process in response to the sudden change in the organization of key areas of life of the family members, as well as the features of the family that shape its unique ability to adapt to a crisis situation. The conclusions indicate, inter alia, the predominance of rational strategies for the adaptation of the family to the new situation, the choice of such a method and scope of implementation of its functions in order to minimize the level of health, economic and social security risk.

The success of the industrial action in August 1980 opened a pathway for an actual change in a political system. It enabled, among other things, new resolutions in economics, which could replace the economy of shortage associated with "real socialism" with a system that combines economic effectiveness with social justice. From this standpoint, the intense debate of the 1980s, largely forgotten today, in which two competitive political orientations clashed, was a key moment. The arena of this clash was not the political scene, still blocked at that time, but the official and underground papers and brochures, along with public declarations and policy papers of the subjects engaged in the political game, enabling the exchange of views, oftentimes conflicting and opposing. Today's social crisis, a serious decrease in trust for the state and its leadership certainly has structural origins and it raises the question whether the road we took at that time was the right choice. The aim of this text is to present briefly the stances taken in the debate of that time. History has definitely moved forward. However, some of the ideas and solutions which were underscored in the disputes and polemics of the 1980s reappear in a new shape, becoming a part of an attempt to define the underlying causes and mechanisms of the social and political crisis in today's Poland.

As shown by the statistics, East Asian countries control COVID-19 better than other countries. Due to that fact, one should pose the following question: what is it caused by? The article analyzes the actions taken to control COVID-19 in Poland and Malaysia - statistics, the time of introducing restrictions, their types and scope, as well as methods of their enforcement. The choice of countries is dictated by a similar number of inhabitants and the number of tests performed. Malaysia is recognized worldwide as one of the top countries managing the pandemic very well. On the other hand, Poland is one of the world's leading countries with the highest number of confirmed cases of COVID-19. The descriptive and comparative analysis allowed the author to draw conclusions on the factors that determine success in controlling COVID-19. On the basis of the conducted research, previous experiences and developed action plans for contagious diseases as well as cultural and social factors are of the greatest importance.

For a growing group of voters the UKIP party ceases to be a second choice, and it becomes a main party. But, contrary to popular belief, its electoral success is only partly due to its Eurosceptic program. Its growing support is rather the result of disappointment in policies of the main parties and a sense of alienation of a growing social group, failing to find its way in a liberal, multicultural society. Note, however, that the UK electoral system rewards parties that have geographically concentrated support, yet in case of UKIP it is distributed fairly evenly. For this reason, even a significant popular support will translate only in a small degree into the seats in the House of Commons. UKIP electoral successes has forced the major political parties to modify their policies, which manifested mainly in radicalization of their programs in the area of immigration and asylum policy, as well as their attitude towards the UK's membership in the European Union.

For a growing group of voters the UKIP party ceases to be a second choice, and it becomes a main party. But, contrary to popular belief, its electoral success is only partly due to its Eurosceptic program. Its growing support is rather the result of disappointment in policies of the main parties and a sense of alienation of a growing social group, failing to find its way in a liberal, multicultural society. Note, however, that the UK electoral system rewards parties that have geographically concentrated support, yet in case of UKIP it is distributed fairly evenly. For this reason, even a significant popular support will translate only in a small degree into the seats in the House of Commons. UKIP electoral successes has forced the major political parties to modify their policies, which manifested mainly in radicalization of their programs in the area of immigration and asylum policy, as well as their attitude towards the UK's membership in the European Union.