[p. 1] ; column 6 ; 13 ¼ col. in. ; Governor Murray of Utah, in his annual report to the Secretary of Interior, describes the rampant existence of polygamy in the territory and suggests that Congress either repeal the law against it or start to enforce it.
For his study of Western Australian attitudes towards Aborigines Dr Taft chose three samples: in Perth, where there arc few Aborigines; in a large country town with a reputation for bad relations between Europeans and Aborigines; and in a small country town where relations were good. He analyses these attitudes with respect to several variables and finds that the most important influences on the relationships are the effects of community norms. Some interesting aspects of European attitudes to one another also emerge. Dr Dawson's study is part of a larger research program concerned with the effects of rapid biological and social change. He examines in detail the attitudes of two groups of Aborigines, one living in metropolitan Sydney and one in a rural settlement on the South Coast of New South Wales. The effects of the different environments arc clearly shown in the attitudes of the two groups towards education and integration. After a preliminary survey of the Redfern-Chippendale area, Mrs Beasley extended her research over the whole of Sydney, as she moved around the city getting to know Aboriginal families in their own homes. She examines in detail the nature of these households - where the members come from, what their living conditions are like, what kind of schooling they have had, and what jobs they hold. The three studies will be of interest to all those concerned with European-Aboriginal relations.
Almost a decade ago, in June 2000, the Canadian Human Rights Act Review Panel conducted a comprehensive review of the Canadian Human Rights Act [CHRA] and recommended that "social condition" be added as a prohibited ground of discrimination. Since then, no action has been taken to implement this recommendation, despite calls for action from international bodies, political actors, human rights agencies and organizations, and academic commentators to provide protections from discrimination for those suffering from social and economic disadvantage. The authors analyze the experiences at the provincial level with socio-economic grounds of discrimination, jurisprudential developments under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms related to claims based on socio-economic disadvantage, the broader proposal of incorporating justiciable social and economic rights into Canadian law, and the range of arguments both for and against recognizing social condition as a prohibited ground of discrimination. In the end, the authors recommend a feasible and practical means for adding social condition to the Canadian Human Rights Act so that it will provide predictability for administrators, adjudicators and respondents, as well as sufficient flexibility to reflect the multi-faceted and intersectional experience of discrimination of human rights claimants. While socio-economic inequality continues to be a significant and pressing problem in need of a multi-pronged and comprehensive solution, the addition of the ground of social condition to the CHRA will be one more tool in advancing the rights and interests of those on the very margins of Canadian society.This paper was co-authored with Natasha Kim, Dalhousie University.
Work motivation plays a vital role in the development of organizations, as it increases employee productivity and effectiveness. To expand insights into individuals' work motivation, the authors investigated the influence of individuals' competence, autonomy, and social relatedness on their work motivation. Additionally, the country-level moderating factors of those individual-level associations were examined. Hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) was used to analyze data from 32,614 individuals from 25 countries, obtained from the World Values Survey (WVS). Findings showed that autonomy and social relatedness positively impacted work motivation, while competence negatively influenced work motivation. Moreover, the individual-level associations were moderated by the country-level religious affiliation, political participation, humane orientation, and in-group collectivism. Contributions, practical implications, and directions for further research were then discussed.
This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).
ObjectiveThe study appraises the prevalence of pre-migration trauma exposure, the ability to secure basic living needs, and psychological functioning among Darfuri asylumseekers and refugees living in Israel. MethodThe sample included 340 adults from Darfur. Standardized measures assessing socio-psychological functioning were utilized. ResultsThe participants demonstrated high rates of pre-migration exposure to traumatic experiences. Thirty percent of the participants met DSM–IV criteria PTSD, with a higher proportion for women than for men. Post-migration stressors were mentioned by the majority of the participants. ConclusionsThe State of Israel should recognize past atrocities and traumas of Darfuris who arrived in Israel. Such recognition should be offered as acceptance of their rightful access to refugee status determination. Moreover, the State of Israel needs to modify government policies and legalization facilities so that Darfuri refugees and asylum-seekers will have access to basic human needs and support services. ; ObjectifCette étude évalue la prépondérance de traumatisme prémigratoire auquel sont exposés les demandeurs d'asile et réfugiés du Darfour vivant en Israël, ainsi que leur fonctionnement psychologique, et leur capacité de se procurer les besoins vitaux de base. MéthodeL'échantillon pour l'étude était constitué de 340 adultes du Darfour. Divers aspects de leur fonctionnement sociopsychologique étaient évalués à l'aide de mesures normalisées. RésultatsLes participants ont fait preuve de niveaux élevés d'exposition prémigratoire aux expériences traumatiques : 30 % des participants ont satisfait aux critères du DSM–IV pour l'ESPT, avec une proportion plus élevée chez les femmes que chez les hommes. Des facteurs de stress postmigratoire ont été évoqués par la majorité des participants. ConclusionsL'État d'Israël devrait reconnaître les atrocités et les traumatismes antérieurs subis par les Darfouriens arrivant en Israël. Cette reconnaissance devrait se manifester par une acceptation de leur ...
Work motivation plays a vital role in the development of organizations, as it increases employee productivity and effectiveness. To expand insights into individuals' work motivation, the authors investigated the influence of individuals' competence, autonomy, and social relatedness on their work motivation. Additionally, the country-level moderating factors of those individual-level associations were examined. Hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) was used to analyze data from 32,614 individuals from 25 countries, obtained from the World Values Survey (WVS). Findings showed that autonomy and social relatedness positively impacted work motivation, while competence negatively influenced work motivation. Moreover, the individual-level associations were moderated by the country-level religious affiliation, political participation, humane orientation, and in-group collectivism. Contributions, practical implications, and directions for further research were then discussed.
Im Gegensatz zu Hobb'schen Argumentationen ist die Bereitstellung von Governance nicht notwendigerweise an starke Staatlichkeit gebunden: Empirische Belege zeigen, dass verschiedene (nicht-staatliche) Akteure Governance- Leistungen trotz zumindest begrenzter Staatlichkeit bereitstellen – entgegen vieler Stimmen in zeitgenössischen Diskursen zu schwacher und gescheiterter Staatlichkeit. Der Aufsatz geht der Frage nach, wie die Fälle erklärt werden können, wo Governance erfolgreich bereitgestellt wird obwohl der Staat entweder keine Governance-Leistungen erbringt oder erbringen kann. Im Rahmen des Transfers von Forschungsergebnissen der Politischen Soziologie in die Analyse von "Governance ohne Staat" geht der Aufsatz von der Annahme aus, dass Art und Weise wie Gesellschaften sich organisieren maßgeblich von deren sozialstruktureller Bedingtheit abhängen. Diese spezifiziert der Aufsatz mithilfe des Sozialkapitaltheorie. Auf dem Weg zu einer Politischen Soziologie der "Governance ohne Staat", stellt der Aufsatz die Beziehung zwischen Sozialkapital, vor allem in seiner Ausprägung als interpersonelles Vertrauen, und sozialer Handlungskoordination als Grundlage von Governance her. In diesem Kontext wird die Bereitstellung von Governance als Spiel kollektiven Handelns verstanden ("Governance Game"), in dem das Verhalten sozial-eingebetteter (kollektiver) Akteure (und insbesondere ihre Kooperationsentscheidungen) maßgeblich von dem Umfang ihres Sozialkapitals abhängen. Das zentrale Argument des Aufsatzes ist, dass spezifische Typen von Sozialkapital bestimmte Modi der sozialen Handlungskoordination in Räumen begrenzter Staatlichkeit ermöglichen und entsprechend erklären. Im Rahmen eines explorativen Zugangs werden konzeptuelle und theoretische Begründungen vorgebracht, die bei der Erklärung der Varianz und der Prozesse von Governance außerhalb der OECD-Welt neue Perspektiven eröffnen. ; Unlike what Hobbesian theories argue, the provision of governance is not necessarily undermined by a lack of statehood. Empirical ...
Recent research has focused on the legacies of civil war violence on political preferences, finding that wartime victimization decreases support for the perpetrator or its political identity in the long run. However, we know little about the conditions under which this effect takes place. Historical accounts from civil wars suggest that the long-term effect of violence is not homogenous, nor consistent across areas within a single conflict. Addressing this gap, this article explores the effects of wartime victimization on long-term political preferences at the local level, looking at the conditioning effect of the local social context. In particular, I argue that the effect of wartime violence depends on the existence of local networks that create and maintain memories of the violence and capitalize on them for future mobilization. This argument is tested in the context of the Spanish Civil War. I build a novel dataset using archival data, historical secondary sources, and already existing datasets, covering 2,100 municipalities across Spain. In line with the argument, it is found that Francoist wartime victimization during the civil war is linked to an increase in leftist vote share after democracy was restored four decades later, but mainly in those municipalities where clandestine, left-leaning political networks were active after the conflict.
The fundamental cause argument represents a distinctively sociological approach to explaining persistent social disparities in health across a range of sociohistorical contexts. We elaborate and test this U.S.-based argument using nationally representative survey data from China covering births from 1970 to 2001, and focusing on social disparities in infant mortality over a period of dramatic social, political, and macroeconomic change. Our results show that despite the massive changes during the last several decades, the increasing use of medical pregnancy care, and the steady decline in the overall risk of infant mortality, disparities in infant mortality by mother's education and urban/rural place of residence remained largely unchanged. During this period, more educated women were increasingly likely to take advantage of the newly-available prenatal care and delivery assistance facilities, while urban women maintained a stable advantage over rural women in use of these facilities. This differential utilization of highly-effective maternal care technology has maintained social disparities in infant mortality over a period of major social and technological change in China, providing support for the fundamental cause argument.
This paper explores current Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto's 2013 public education reform through ethnographic engagement, archival research, and interviews in Mexico City and Guerrero, Mexico. By May 2013, the National Coordination of Education Workers' (CNTE)—the primary education reform opposition movement—had gained national traction and more than 40,000 educators from various states indefinitely relocated to Mexico City's zocalo. In this paper, the author presents an account of the social conditions of policy formation and experiences of violence in the lives of teachers, legislators, political advisors, students, and community members, engaged in shaping education and opposing the reform. An anthropological approach to policy and violence embraces the analytical horizons of a world that prompts us to consider such large-scale phenomena as economic crises, neoliberal policies, and forced disappearances. A focus on dispersed communities allowed the author to explore the ways in which people engage, change, and experience the violence of policy across fluid borders, instead of how policy impacts presumably bounded communities. This Paper was awarded the "Society for Urban National and Transnational/global Anthropology graduate student paper" prize in 2014.
In Developing China: Land, politics and social conditions, George C. S. Lin has produced a much-needed comprehensive account of the dramatic evolution of land use in China in the post-Mao era. He begins by focusing not on "land use" per se but on "land development," which he defines as the "process in which land has been brought into more productive and profitable use" (p. 14). The key point here is Lin's attention to the ways in which land in China is being connected into the circuits of capital, leading to dramatic changes to the social meaning of its use. In the course of his analysis, he demonstrates that this is not a background issue in China's overall transformation, but, in fact, is absolutely central to the dramatic political, economic, social, and cultural changes reshaping the country today.
In this paper, we investigate the relationship between economic development, investments, savings, insecurity and social conditions in Colombian departments. Using a dynamic heterogeneous panel analysis, we study the effects of insecurity and social conditions on economic development through an estimation of panel data cointegration techniques. The models applied in this study suggest a long-term relationship among economic development, investments, savings, social conditions and insecurity. Investments, savings and human development index have a positive and significant coefficient, which indicates that these variables produce incentives for economic development, whereas GINI and homicides have a negative relationship, demonstrating that these variables undermine economic development. All findings are important in the design of strategies and policies that strengthen income distribution equality, a key factor that determines growth and development through adequate government expenditures that encourage savings and investment decisions with the aim to improve welfare and the standard of living. ; peerReviewed
Many social commentators have considered that alongside the fiscal transparency enjoined by contemporary New Zealand governments, there should be a complementary social responsibility reporting. This task is usually assigned to social indicator frameworks. However, at present (as the 2017 election looms) there is a faltering in the provision of social indicators which have been in place in New Zealand for almost two decades, with the exception of the recent 2016 survey data from Statistics New Zealand and Ministry of Social Development that were made available within a month of writing this article. Having commented on the current status of the New Zealand social indicator system, we present data from the General Social Survey and the Quality of Life survey to at least convey recent trends in subjective social well-being and reported behaviours and experiences. References are also made to the accumulating literature on social well-being in New Zealand, followed by suggestions for more systematic indicator development and underpinning research.