Suchergebnisse

The Conditions of Knowledge : Location, Migration, and Hybridity -- The Assam Movement : Thirty Years On -- Memories and Violence : Remembering the Assam Movement -- Identity Questions : Narrating Past and Present -- Framing the Question : Who Are the Assamese? -- Conclusion: Shifting the Terrain, Renewing the Narrative

Since scholarly interest in corporate social responsibility (CSR) has primarily focused on the synergies between social and economic performance, our understanding of how (and the conditions under which) companies use CSR to produce policy outcomes that work against public welfare has remained comparatively under-developed. In particular, little is known about how corporate decision-makers privately reconcile the conflicts between public and private interests, even though this is likely to be relevant to understanding the limitations of CSR as a means of aligning business activity with the broader public interest. This study addresses this issue using internal tobacco industry documents to explore British-American Tobacco's (BAT) thinking on CSR and its effects on the company's CSR Programme. The article presents a three-stage model of CSR development, based on Sykes and Matza's theory of techniques of neutralization, which links together: how BAT managers made sense of the company's declining political authority in the mid-1990s; how they subsequently justified the use of CSR as a tool of stakeholder management aimed at diffusing the political impact of public health advocates by breaking up political constituencies working towards evidence-based tobacco regulation; and how CSR works ideologically to shape stakeholders' perceptions of the relative merits of competing approaches to tobacco control. Our analysis has three implications for research and practice. First, it underlines the importance of approaching corporate managers' public comments on CSR critically and situating them in their economic, political and historical contexts. Second, it illustrates the importance of focusing on the political aims and effects of CSR. Third, by showing how CSR practices are used to stymie evidence-based government regulation, the article underlines the importance of highlighting and developing matrices to assess the negative social impacts of CSR.

Since scholarly interest in corporate social responsibility (CSR) has primarily focused on the synergies between social and economic performance, our understanding of how (and the conditions under which) companies use CSR to produce policy outcomes that work against public welfare has remained comparatively under-developed. In particular, little is known about how corporate decision-makers privately reconcile the conflicts between public and private interests, even though this is likely to be relevant to understanding the limitations of CSR as a means of aligning business activity with the broader public interest. This study addresses this issue using internal tobacco industry documents to explore British-American Tobacco's (BAT) thinking on CSR and its effects on the company's CSR Programme. The article presents a three-stage model of CSR development, based on Sykes and Matza's theory of techniques of neutralization, which links together: how BAT managers made sense of the company's declining political authority in the mid-1990s; how they subsequently justified the use of CSR as a tool of stakeholder management aimed at diffusing the political impact of public health advocates by breaking up political constituencies working towards evidence-based tobacco regulation; and how CSR works ideologically to shape stakeholders' perceptions of the relative merits of competing approaches to tobacco control. Our analysis has three implications for research and practice. First, it underlines the importance of approaching corporate managers' public comments on CSR critically and situating them in their economic, political and historical contexts. Second, it illustrates the importance of focusing on the political aims and effects of CSR. Third, by showing how CSR practices are used to stymie evidence-based government regulation, the article underlines the importance of highlighting and developing matrices to assess the negative social impacts of CSR.

Reproductive health disparities-particularly those experienced by racial and ethnic minority groups-are considered a persistent public health issue in the United States. Frameworks that focus on social determinants of health seek to identify the forces producing these disparities, particularly social conditions that create vulnerability to premature death and disease. Such frameworks pose challenges to health care provision, as structural factors can seem immutable to health care professionals trained to treat individual patients. Here, we discuss the links between reproductive health disparities and social determinants of health. We then apply to reproductive health care the structural competency framework, developed by physician-scholars to encourage health care professionals to address health disparities by analyzing and intervening upon sociopolitical forces.

Dans sa préface de 1887 à La question du logement, Engels (1976[1887]) rappelle qu'une des conséquences de la transformation du capitalisme constitue la pénurie de logement. La construction des usines amène la destruction des habitations existantes tout en attirant de nombreux paysans à la recherche de travail dans ces mêmes usines. Ce faisant, il évoque plusieurs exemples, tant en Angleterre, qu'en Allemagne ou en Espagne, démontrant que la crise du logement, intimement liée au capitalisme, se caractérise par une « aggravation particulière des mauvaises conditions d'habitation », « une énorme augmentation des loyers », « un entassement encore accru de locataires dans chaque maison et pour quelques-uns l'impossibilité de trouver même à se loger » (p. 26). Pour répondre à cette crise, tout ce que la bourgeoisie propose c'est l'accession à la propriété incompatible avec la nécessaire liberté de mouvement des ouvriers pour le fonctionnement du capitalisme. Pour ce dernier toutefois, la question du logement ne représentait qu'un problème découlant de celui-ci et non pas un problème en soit. Comme si l'analyse des rapports locatifs ne nous apprenait peu de choses de plus que celle des rapports de classe, la question du logement se résout par l'analyse de ceux -ci et du capitalisme. Or, et il le mentionne lui-même dans sa réponse à Proudhon, la question du logement n'est pas que l'apanage de la classe ouvrière mais elle affecte également la petite bourgeoisie. Le logement est effectivement inséparable des processus du capitalisme, mais ceux-ci prennent des formes particulières, dont l'expérience révèle des rapports sociaux inégalitaires qui permettent à l'inverse de comprendre le capitalisme et que les liens entre inégalités et logement peuvent nous éclairer sur les structures sociales contemporaines (Goyer, 2017). Comme l'affirme Keenan (2004) : « les structures sociales ne sont pas entités indépendantes et séparées qui imposent leur pouvoir sur les individus, elles continuent, plutôt, à limiter ou à supporter l'action humaine parce qu'elles sont inscrites dans leurs formes interactionnelles qui, elles, construisent les structures » (p. 541, notre traduction). Même si, au départ, le logement est un concept simple – un bâtiment permettant à un ou plusieurs individus de se loger (Havel, 1985) – il représente un bien complexe, à multiples dimensions, qui comprend une pluralité de moyens et de finalités (Pezeu-Massabuau, 1983). C'est la base sur laquelle s'ancrent les membres d'une collectivité à un territoire et à une communauté mais ce qui permet de se protéger de la communauté et de l'environnement. Pourtant, plusieurs processus fragilisent ce rapport, en particulier pour les locataires. Entre autres, les problèmes de plus en plus prégnants de salubrité des logements contribuant à l'exclusion sociale des locataires qui y font face ainsi que l'augmentation des déplacements forcés (éviction ou reprise de logement) de locataires pour permettre à des promoteurs de transformer le cadre bâti pour en tirer davantage de profits, constituent des phénomènes de menace du droit au logement. Dans les deux cas, les locataires font face à des processus de dépossession de leurs espaces du logement et du quartier et posent de sérieux défis pour l'organisation et le développement du territoire. Les inégalités qui sont imbriquées comportent ainsi de multiples dimensions pouvant interagir entre elles, qu'elles soient politiques, spatiales, économiques, voire même environnementales. Par conséquent, l'étude des inégalités de logement constitue un point d'entrée sociologique pertinent pour comprendre ce qui caractérise les expériences sociales contemporaines, notamment urbaines. Il permet de questionner comment se mettent en œuvre les rapports sociaux inégalitaires et comment peut-on assurer la justice sociale à partir de celui-ci.[…]Coord. Renaud Goyer & Jean-Vincent Bergeron-Gaudin

This book deals with the immediate effects of, and response to, Hurricane María on the social, ecological, and technological systems (SETS) of Puerto Rico. The SETS approach to analyzing hurricane effects places into historical context the role of social and technological factors, and compares social and ecological resilience on the same temporal scales. Written from the perspective of a Puerto Rican scientist who experienced Maria's wrath first-hand, the book uses extensive empirical knowledge of the ecological effects of hurricanes on Caribbean forests and combines that knowledge with a detailed analysis of the effects of Hurricane María on the social and technological fabric of Puerto Rico. The comparison suggests that the effects of extreme events are dictated not only by the strength of the physical event, but also by the conditions of affected SETS at the time when the event exerts influence over them. Moreover, SETS have historical legacies that influence how resilient they can be when affected by an extreme event. Therefore, preparation and response to extreme events require an integrated social, ecological, and technological effort, known as the SETS response. The SETS response requires an understanding of the energetics of extreme events and their effects on the economy, which in turn determines social and technological resilience. Hurricane María demonstrated that the social and technological systems of Puerto Rico were not adapted to dealing with extreme events, in contrast with the ecological systems, which were. Hurricane María's effect on Puerto Rico can be used as an example from which valuable lessons emerge for making SETS more adaptable and resilient to extreme events.

The article deals with modern features of self-organization of population in Ukraine from the point of view of accumulation of social capital. The purpose of the article is to identify the characteristics of the infl uence of self-organization on the development of social capital, taking into account the directions of modern transformational changes in Ukrainian society. Research methods: general scientifi c methods of analysis and synthesis are used to collect, process and systematize research results; abstract-logical to establish the relationship between self-organization and social capital; statistical to collect and systematize data; comparison method - to identify whether the dynamics of various forms of self-organization correspond to the needs of society; induction and deduction - to justify the prerequisites for strengthening social capital through self-organization. The basic theoretical approaches to the interconnection of the concepts of social capital and self-organization of the population are summarized. On the basis of generalizations, a scheme of infl uence of self-organization on the accumulation of social capital is developed, which refl ects the ways of accumulation of social capital and determinants of self-organization. The interconnection of the concepts of selforganization of the population and its social capital, which is realized through the norms of interaction, character of values and structure of civic involvement, is established. It is proved that the presence of a suffi cient level of social capital, manifested in trust, solidarity, identity and responsibility, is one of the main determinants of self-organization. The levels of selforganization of the population are distinguished with the identifi cation of peculiarities of in fl uence of social capital on each of them. The i nfl uence of modern basic structural transformations in society on the self-organization of the population in the context of social capital accumulation is evaluated. The c lassifi cation of forms of self-organization on the basis of association (production and consumer interests, values, territory of residence, volume and speed of threats) is carried out. The dynamics of the main forms of self-organization of the population are analyzed and it is found that it refl ects the transformations in the society that are under the infl uence of reforms, but its volumes do not meet the needs of public activity of the population and are not the result of a suffi cient level of social capital, but rather a response to contemporary challenges in society. The prerequisites for strengthening social capital through self-organization, which include identifying and supporting initiative groups of the population, forming a system of feedback from the authorities with the public, professionalizing and expanding the subjects of social dialogue, securing against formalization and creating transparent conditions for the activities of diff erent forms of self-organization, are substantiated, upgrading the skills of civil servants through the formation of public relations competencies.

International Conference, May 23-24, 2019: Universidad del País Vasco/Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea • Bilbao, Spain (preprint) ; We will discuss the theoretical mechanisms of behaviour that constitute a form of "sharing society" and are defined as "identity sharing". The authors propose to identify factors that induce some people to an act of social solidarity with excluded or culturally marginalized people under the pressure of dominant political practices. In the empirical aspect, the project is inscribed in the specific determinants of cultural homogeneity and Pols national ethnocentrism as the foundations of the political conservatism of the ruling right wing in Poland. In these conditions, we can operationalize indicators of "civic solidarity" and manifestations of practices of "identity sharing" that characterize the attitudes of people protesting against neo-authoritarian attacks of the power camp on free media, independent courts, or cultural minorities (including refugees) in their politics. Do the manifestations of "identity sharing" have the ability to overcome the social fears of people who are divided by differences in worldviews – or maybe they strengthen them? These problems will be theoretically analysed using a conceptual framework referring to the following: motives of R. Girard's mimetic rivalry theory; theories of J. Haidt's social morality and ethical intuitions; the effects of sharing identity in the inclusive social networks (R. Putnam); dramatic models of the public scene and the role of a stranger for social actors (E. Goffman); the symbolic experience of a community of values for structuring the conflict of identities (A. Giddens, Z. Bauman). The conclusions will be illustrated by examples of local (Polish) acts of solidarity initiated spontaneously by the participants of civic forms of protest against the language of cultural domination and political stigmatization of cultural opponents. We will examine the hypothesis – important for the final conclusions – that "identity sharing" requires the presence in a common space of actors making gestures of "solidarity" and social media are a secondary and necessary but not sufficient tool to generate such practices.

AbstractAltruistic behavior after stress exposure may have important health and psychological benefits, in addition to broader societal consequences. However, so far experimental research on altruism following acute stress has been limited to adult populations. The current study utilized an experimental design to investigate how altruistic donation behavior among children may be influenced by (a) exposure to an acute social stressor, the Trier Social Stress Test modified for use with children (TSST‐M), (b) individual differences in stress physiology, and (c) social support from a parent. The sample consisted of 180 children (54.9% male, 45.1% female; mean age = 9.92 years, SD = 0.56 years) randomly assigned to one of three conditions involving the TSST‐M: (a) prepare for the TSST‐M alone, (b) prepare for the TSST‐M with a parent, and (c) no‐stress control group. Results revealed that children made larger donations post‐stressor if they were alone before the acute stressor, if they had moderate cardiac autonomic balance, reflecting both parasympathetic and sympathetic influence, and if they were older. Children who prepared for the TSST‐M with social support from a parent made comparable donations as children in the no‐stress control group, in accord with stress buffering models. Increased altruism following acute stress among children suggests that a comprehensive understanding of the human stress response needs to incorporate "tend‐and‐befriend" behavior—the tendency for humans to show increased altruistic behavior during times of distress.

The article is devoted to the socio-protective activities of the Society of Ural Mining Technicians (SUMT). It was founded in 1901 in the Perm province as a professional scientific and technical community. The organization was formed at the stage of the final phase of the industrial revolution in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, which contributed to the development of scientific thought in the Ural region, the formation of new social relations and the emergence of professional associations. The main staff of the Society included engineers, technicians, teachers and students of the Ural Mining School. The author considers in detail the activities of the Bureau of Labor as one of the structural subdivisions of SUMT. It began its work in 1902 and acted as an intermediary between the employee and the employer. Its purposes were to collect data from employers on the availability of vacancies at enterprises, to compile a database of unemployed members of SUMT, to resolve issues of their employment, and to prepare recommendations and guarantees when applying for a job. The Bureau of Labor also provided material support to family members of the community. In addition, the Bureau of Labor monitored the observance of the employees' working conditions, ensured the protection of the interests of the members of the Society at work, protected their interests in case of conflicts with the employer or the abnormal position of technicians, and was engaged in workers' health insurance. The revealed violations by the employer were published by the Bureau of Labor in the journal of the Society "Ural Technician". The Bureau of Labor of the Society of Ural Mining Technicians implemented social protective functions in the Ural region associated with labor exchanges in the pre-revolutionary period of Russia's development.

PurposeThe need to alleviate poverty and achieve the United Nations (UN) 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) through Universal Social Protection (USP) mechanisms is a high priority for governments and international organisations (IOs). This paper focuses on the recent introduction of a general minimum income (GMI) in Greece, in the context of the international diffusion of governing expertise. It examines whether the "universal" scheme being implemented constitutes a paradigm shift likely to offer solutions to the country's previous fragmented and unjust welfare system, and to problems the society has faced since the 2010s depression.Design/methodology/approachThe paper uses critical grounded theory, with data gathering through iterative field observations and semi-structured interviews.FindingsResults highlight the elusiveness of USP normative promises: rather than enhancing people's effective freedoms to act as self-determining agents, USP pushes the poor to adapt to current degraded socio-economic conditions. Participation in the shadow economy is a structural feature of USP; it is implicitly tolerated insofar as it is regarded, in the words of the World Bank (WB), an "engine for growth". This constitutes an institutional and governance challenge for the implementation and expansion of social welfare programmes and could compromise the 2030 SDGs Agenda.Originality/valueWhile research to date has examined the "modernisation" of the Greek welfare system in a national or comparative perspective, it adds to the literature by framing the study in the field of global social policy, shedding light on the discrepancies between internationally designed mechanisms and the normative aims of USP.

Debates about poverty and inequality in the United States frequently invoke the early twentieth century as a time when new social legislation helped moderate corporate power. But as historian Daniel Amsterdam shows, the relationship between business interests and the development of American government was hardly so simple.Roaring Metropolis reconstructs the ideas and activism of urban capitalists roughly a century ago. Far from antigovernment stalwarts, business leaders in cities across the country often advocated extensive government spending on an array of social programs. They championed public schooling, public health, the construction of libraries, museums, parks, and playgrounds, and decentralized cities filled with freestanding homes—a set of initiatives that they believed would foster political stability and economic growth during an era of explosive, often chaotic, urban expansion.The efforts of businessmen on this front had deep historical roots but bore the most fruit during the 1920s, an era often misconstrued as an antigovernment moment. As Daniel Amsterdam illustrates, public spending soared across urban America during the decade due in part to businessmen's political activism. With a focus on three different cities—Detroit, Philadelphia, and Atlanta—and a host of political groups—organized labor, machine politicians, African American and immigrant activists, middle-class women's groups, and the Ku Klux Klan—Roaring Metropolis traces businessmen's quest to build cities and nurture an urban citizenry friendly to capitalism and the will of urban capitalists

This article was done with the aim of surveying the effect of social, economic and cultural variables on the lack of interest in liability insurance (responsibility) of Sanandaj. This study is a kind of practical research and it's also descriptive with the correlation method of information collection (amassment). The statistic society of the research is all of the engineers, doctors and contractors of Sanandaj that don't use the liability insurance. They were about 650 persons which according to the limitation of statistic society checking (scrutiny), 250 persons were chosen by the random sampling which finally 241 persons took place in the research process. For research data collection, the substantiated questionnaire consisted of 24 locutions and 3 cultural, economic and social scales (criterions) was used based upon the Likret's five-point spectrum. According to the analysis of collected data, the results showed that the economic and cultural factors have a negative effect on the liability insurance, and totally with the cultural and economic condition increment, the lake of interest in liability insurance will decrease.