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Social conflict, as opposed to armed conflict, has received less attention in the field of quantitative research. This paper investigates the structural causes of political violence in 35 African states using data from the Social Conflict in Africa dataset and the Beck and Katz panel corrected standard errors time series regression model. Theoretically, a closed political opportunity structure, combined with a weak state unable to provide public goods, should together produce high levels of social conflict. The independent variables attempt to operationalize these concepts from four different angles. In this analysis Access to Education and Infrastructure (AEI), Ethno Linguistic Fractionalization (ELF), Freedom in the World Political Rights (FIW), and National Material Capabilities (NMC) were all significant predictors of social conflict. This study found that as the level of ethnic fractionalization and material capabilities within states rose, the frequency of social conflict events also increased. However, as access to infrastructure and political rights declined, the number of social conflict events increased. Wald chi-square and R-square values suggest that the model is complete and has substantial explanatory power. ; 2014-08-01 ; B.A. ; Sciences, Dept. of Political Science ; Bachelors ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

Current migrations in Europe are the result of numerous geostrategic, political, regional, local and individual causes. They are multidimensional phenomena, whose research requires an interdisciplinary approach. The work examines the social conflicts between the domestic and the settled population, especially those based on religious fundamentalism. Firstly, the most important characteristics of contemporary Christianity and Islam, as the most dominant religions in post-secular Europe are analyzed, described and explained. It points to their prevalence, basic values, and religious (non) tolerance. It is emphasized that the misunderstanding of these religions is often the cause of religious and other conflicts. Then the social conflicts in different environments and the place the religion has in them are explored. The authors proceed from the thesis that conflicts between the domestic population (regardless of religiosity) and contemporary migrants are the result of historical, cultural, political and other social factors. Conflicts in the name of religion are just one type of social conflict, which often conceals other causes. In short, the root causes of the conflict of the local population and migrants in the areas where the aforementioned religions are dominant are explored. The most important forms, dynamics and consequences of these conflicts are listed. It is concluded that religious conflicts and contemporary migrations are another factor in the crisis and (dis)integration of Europe.

This paper investigates the empirical role of violent conflicts for the causal effect of democracy on economic growth. Exploiting within-country variation to identify the effect of democratization during the Third Wave, we find evidence that the effect of democratization is weaker than reported previously once one accounts for the incidence of conflict, while the incidence of conflict itself significantly reduces growth. The results show in turn that permanent democratic transitions significantly reduce the incidence and onset of conflict, which suggests that part of the positive growth effect of democratization arises because democratization reduces conflict incidence. When accounting for the role of violence during democratization, we find evidence that peaceful transitions to democracy have a significant positive effect on growth that is even larger than reported in the previous literature, while violent transitions to democracy have no, or even negative, effects on economic growth.

The background of this research is the conflict began with an inharmony between political party leaders and legislators, especially those who have become legislative members and intend to advance again as legislative candidates from the same party. It aims to provide solutions for political parties in the election nomination. It reveals conflict in the preparation of candidates in the elections of 2019. Researchers collect data from political party information and media coverage by comparing news. The method is qualitative with analysis using Paul Conn's conflict structure theory to produce alternative solutions. The results is a difference in expectations and designs between political party leaders and incumbent legislators, according to political party leaders that legislative incumbents need to have an evaluation so they are displaced from candidates for those who were not optimally fighting for political parties, different perspectives of incumbent legislators because they feel have struggled be serious and prepare for second (more) contestation. The legislative incumbent who should be eligible to advance back from the same electoral district then tries to find a new path by advancing again as a legislative candidate by using other political parties. The Conclusion is shifting legislative candidates and changes in the acquisition of election results show the dynamics of political party conflict affect the outcome.

This research aimed to find out the social conflict that exist in the novel of Kembang Jepun. This research focused on forms of social conflict in novels and the causes of social conflict. This study used a sociological literature approach. The source of data in this research was the novel of Kembang Jepun by Remy Sylado. The results of the study showed that the form of social conflict which showed the existence of child trafficking carried out by Janjte and Kotaro Takimura figures, violence and fights that occurred in Shinju, arrest by police at the Tjahaja Soerabja office. The reason of this social conflict was the greed character of Janjte's figure, Kotaro Takamura, who wanted his place of business to be crowded again and Tjak Broto's writing which was considered to have provoked the community to hate the Dutch government.

We introduce distributive justice into a simple model of growth and distribution. Two groups ('classes') of otherwise identical, capital-rich and capital-poor individuals ('capitalists') and ('workers') are in conflict over factor (labour-capital) shares. Capitalists' (workers') ideal labour share is low (high) – but always tempered by the recognition that everyone supplies one unit of labour inelastically and desires a wage; and that the labour share impacts growth negatively in our 'AK' production economy. Social conflict is defined as the difference between the ideal labour shares of the two classes. This conflict is resolved by the two positive and three normative criteria we consider. Thus, the macroeconomy (growth, factor shares, distribution), social conflict and the methods of its resolution are jointly determined in a complete socio-economic equilibrium. We believe both this approach and our rich set of results are novel. We consider two positive (probabilistic voting and Nash bargaining, encapsulating electoral politics and socio-political bargaining) and two normative (justice) criteria (utilitarian and Rawlsian) of conflict resolution. Greater impatience, intensified status comparisons and negative consumption externalities, greater wealth inequality and a decline in productivity exacerbate social conflict. Status comparisons and wealth inequality tend to raise the labour share under all positive and normative criteria. Finally, we propose and analyse a criterion of 'justice as minimal social friction'. Under the plausible assumption that the capitalists' overall socio-political influence (numerical strength aside) is at least as high as that of workers, all positive methods imply a smaller labour share and more inequality than all our three criteria of distributive justice. We offer a numerical illustration of the key points.

In this paper we examine the link between ethnic and religious polariza- tion and conflict using interpersonal distances for ethnic and religious attitudes obtained from the World Values Survey. We use the Duclos et al (2004) polar- ization index. We measure conflict by means on an index of social unrest, as well as by the standard conflict onset or incidence based on a threshold number of deaths. Our results show that taking distances into account significantly improves the quality of the fit. Our measure of polarization outperforms the measure used by Montalvo and Reynal-Querol (2005) and the fractionalization index. We also obtain that both ethnic and religious polarization are significant in explaining conflict. The results improve when we use an indicator of social unrest as the dependent variable. ; Financial support from the Axa Research Fund, the Government of Catalonia, and the CICYT project n. SEJ2006-00369. Financial support from the CICYT project n. SEJ2006-00369. ; Peer reviewed

Although Nigeria is blessed with abundant natural and human resources, yet the country remains underdeveloped. In line with this, consensus is emerging that ethnic politics and social conflicts are the most fundamental factors to this underdevelopment. In this study, the authors supported the view, through the content analysis of literature reviewed, that ethnic politics and social conflicts have hindered political, economic and social developments in the country. In many instances, they have slowed down the development process, which is essential for pulling Nigeria out of poverty and placing it more firmly on the path of stability and sustainable development. In order to combat these challenges and encourage development in the country, this paper recommend that, Nigerians should aim at operating a true federalism, cultivate a suitable political culture, and out-grow ethnic rancor and stop blaming ethnicity for any social policy that affects a group unintentionally. ; This paper was published in Turkey

We present a model of growth and distributional conflict that implies a non-monotonic relationship between average wealth and the likelihood of radical redistribution: while the net benefits of redistribution for members of the poor class are small at low stages of development, a shift towards egalitarianism considerably improves agents' income prospects once an intermediate level of per-capita wealth is reached. As the economy grows further, the incentive to challenge the existing social order decreases again and eventually vanishes. This nonmonotonicity captures the observation that historical shifts to radically redistributive policies frequently took place after extended periods of economic growth.

Law is a social phenomenon with its entity, individuality and specificity, a phenomenon with deep roots in the tissue of the social organism which has special existential functions for the society and the human. Law is part of the social normative reality. Its goal is to provide a social life in its reality, to regulate the complex social processes. That means that the social life becomes possible with right. As the law is complex category it cannot survive without the many functions that are part of it. We will mention the regulatory function, the function of the social control, the interactive function, the organizational function, the function of realizing the social, the group and the individual goals and interests etc. The disruption of the realization of any of these functions influences the realization of the values that the law exercises. In this context we will emphasize the values as are the order and the peace in the society, the justice, the fairness, the truth, the validity, and the human dignity, the efficiency of the social system, the safety and the appropriateness. This papers' goal will be making an analysis of the functioning of the law in the Republic of Macedonia, especially of its regulatory function. This is so especially because the law in Macedonia more often is not a mean for realizing the common existential social interests which is a necessary precondition for the existing of a society but it is a mean for realizing the group and the individual interests. These tendencies influence the disruption of the democratic character of the society and the creation of disagreements and conflicts in society that contribute to social instability and impede the realization of the objectives of the law. The paper ‗The functioning of the law in terms of social conflicts' consists introduction, four parts and conclusion. The first part is named ‗Theoretical basis of the law', the second part refers to ‗The functions of the law in the modern society', the third part is ‗About the conflict and the regulatory function of the law in the Macedonian society', and in the fourth part are presented some empirical data that are in favour of the conclusion that the destruction of the regulatory function of the law in the Republic of Macedonia. Key words: law, the law functions, social conflict

El estudio trata sobre el proyecto minero Las Bambas (Apurímac) y el conflicto social que se desató a fines de setiembre del 2015. La protesta social fue breve pero intensa; tanto que el gobierno tuvo que declarar el estado de emergencia y tomar una serie de medidas para evitar el escalamiento del conflicto porque en esos días «Lima fue la capital económica del mundo». El trabajo trata de demostrar que las protestas tuvieron motivaciones objetivas porque los cambios en el EIA que hizo la empresa china (MMG) fueron sustanciales, pues dañarán áreas de influencia directa e indirecta. La magnitud de la protesta puso en agenda temas tan vigentes como el ordenamiento territorial, la zonificación económica ecológica, la consulta previa, las audiencias públicas, la licencia social, el extractivismo, contaminación ambiental, etc. El conflicto en las Las Bambas, con algunas particularidades, es el retrato de otros que han ocurrido en la gran minería del Perú. ; The study deals with the mining project Las Bambas (Apurímac) and the social conflict that broke out at the end of September 2015. The social protest was brief but intense; So much so that the government had to declare a state of emergency and take a series of measures to avoid escalating the conflict because in those days «Lima was the economic capital of the world.» The paper tries to demonstrate that the protests had objective motivations because the changes made by the Chinese company (MMG) were substantial, as they will damage areas of direct and indirect influence. The magnitude of the protest brought to the fore issues such as territorial planning, ecological economic zoning, prior consultation, public hearings, social license, extractivism, environmental pollution, etc. The conflict in the Las Bambas, with some peculiarities, is the portrait of others that have occurred in the great mining of Peru.

Defence date: 27 June 1997 ; Examining board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini (EUI) ; Prof. Klaus Eder (Humboldt-Universität Berlin - Supervisor) ; Prof. Max Kaase (Wissenschaftzentrum Berlin) ; Prof. Jan W. van Deth (Universität Mannheim) ; First made available online on 23 June 2017 ; Why art we interested in societal value orientations? Squeezed between utilitarianists, structuralists and constructionists the preoccupation with values and guiding ideals seems to be awkward, old-fashioned, even conservative, and certainly not at the forefront of academic fashion. The idea of values communicates the notion of settled beliefs and change resisting attitudes formulated in early childhood or adolescent experiences as well as suggesting continuity and stability of human conduct They refer to the unbroken transmission of attitudes and culture across generations and offer themselves as the explanation for the development of social and political lifestyles. Values also promise coherence and reliability. Too much stability? Too much pre-determination? Too much boredom for the contingency- trained post-modern brain? Values are supposed to be basic and powerful, but can this really still be convincing? Why do we not think of human beings as individualised rational choosers who act in pure accordance with preformulated and calculated interests? Why can we not see the world as a universe of contingency open to be re-interpreted and re-structured at any given point of time and space? What we have to prove, therefore, is the simple fact that values - or rather societal value orientations - still play a central role in the development of modem societies and the political conflicts that take place within these societies. Furthermore, we have to show that an emphasis on values can explain contemporary phenomena in a way that is superior or at least complementary to explanations resting on structural, constructionist or rational choice assumptions.

We analyze how economy-wide forces (i.e.shocks to terms of trade, technology and endowments) affect the intensity of social conflict. We see conflict phenomena such as crime and civil war as involving resource appropriation activities. We show that not all shocks that could make society richer will reduce conflict. Positive shocks to labor intensive industries will diminish social conflict, while positive shocks to capital intensive industries will increase it. The key requirement is that appropriation activities be more labor intensive than the economy. Our model can explain the positive association between crime and inequality, and the curse of natural resources; it predicts that aid in kind to war-ridden societies will have perverse effects, and offers guidance on how to integrate international trade policy and peacekeeping efforts. Including appropriation activities into a canonic general equilibrium model introduces a social constraint to policy analysis. Thus, we can also account for populist policies, apparently inefficient redistribution and "national development strategies". – conflict ; civil war ; crime ; social constraint ; populism ; trade policy ; inefficient redistribution

This study aims to find out how the implementation of Law Number 7 of 2012 concerning Handling Social Conflicts in Probolinggo City, knowing the supporting and inhibiting factors of preventing social conflict and strategies to deal the inhibiting factors. The approach used in this study is a qualitative approach. The conclusion of the study shows that the implementation of handling social conflicts in Probolinggo City, especially conflict prevention is carried out by the Integrated Team for Handling Social Conflicts as implementers and the community as policy targets. The supporting factors for preventing social conflict in Probolinggo City are good synergy with human resources for implementing the implementation, geographical conditions and wise use of social media. Meanwhile, the inhibiting factors are that the implementation of social conflict prevention does not involve NGOs/Ormas and universities, the lack of innovation in preventing social conflict, funding support, and the lack of regulatory support. The strategy to overcome obstacles is to collaborate with NGOs/Ormas and universities as partners in preventing social conflict, encouraging innovation in preventing social conflict, increasing coordination with the Regional Government Budget Team and drafting regulations which support the prevention of social conflict.

Attempts to refine or update definitions of pluralism in political theology and philosophy often, implicitly or explicitly, entail an account of the roots of social conflict, which pluralism is meant to address. Using the influential work of John Rawls as a starting point I further investigate the idea that the root of social conflict stems from competing beliefs systems. I conclude that Rawls&rsquo ; s account of social conflict is insufficiently complex, intersectional, or historicist, and his theory of pluralism and his treatment of religion suffer because of this.