Suchergebnisse

The history from ancient times to the present has demonstrated the inherent conflict in inter-human relations. Conflicts are a result of the interaction and communication of individuals, so they persist as long as man is. At present, conflicts are greatly influenced both by the nature of the people and by the specific nature of the work of social-political organizations and institutions. The issue of conflicting conflicts and situations has become a key issue for many philosophers, psychologists, sociologists, political scientists, etc. But regardless of the high interest and long history there is no unanimously accepted understanding of the essence and nature of the conflict. The political sphere is a specific area that has a permanent and obviously conflictual character compared to other spheres of social life. Its origin is in the very nature of political relations, as relations of power, which presuppose the leadership of some and the subordination of others. That is, the power relations are based on the dominance of some people and their interests over others, which gives birth to clashes and confrontations. Political conflicts are a consequence of confrontations in a complex and multi-level system of leadership and subordination. This article will determine the conceptual, functional and structural dimention of conflicts, in particular will analize the multitude of theories that explane the expression of the conflicts in social and political life, constructive and negative approaches on functions of conflicts, dynamical dimension and paerticularites of political conflict management.

At the begining of the 19th century, the political authorities of Wallachia were using two apparently different approches, but in complementary, regarding the beggars, namely social care and repression. Their common denominator is that they intended to unconditionally forbid begging. By examining public archive documents, we intend to present the theoretical organization of a new public social care institution (the beggars' institute) and the way it practically functioned. The beggars' institute was an establishment with a double mission: care and repression. Different records and documents about the institute's functioning (administrative correspondence, demands of confinement or releasing, etc.) allowed us to examine the beneficiaries of this type of social care and the confinement procedures; the institute's internal organization (its security or its curative capacities); the abuses authorities sometimes committed when hasting to keep beggars away from the public space; releasing conditions from the institute; perceptions (of ordinary people or of authorities) on the institute and the beggars.

In this paper, we analyze the role and functions of the socialist enterprise, a place in which the interaction between power and society is strongly emphasized. Focusing on the last decade of communist rule, we have chosen as a case study an enterprise created in the late 70's: the Călăraşi Integrated Iron and Steel Works. We were interested in how the Romanian Communist Party was organized inside the enterprise and the duties of party organizations. Recruiting new party members, mobilizing workers were only two of the party organizations tasks within enterprises. These topics were, in many occasions, the focus points of the Party organizations reports. An important part of this study was devoted to activities organized within the socialist enterprise. Socialist emulation, cultural and artistic activities, sports occupied a central place in everyday life of the industrial workers. Especially in the last decade of communist domination, any event is a cause for celebration, this phenomenon being in contrast to the austerity imposed by the regime. In communist Romania, the socialist enterprise was, above all, one of the most important places of propaganda, domination and control.

At the end of the Second World War, on the Romanian Communist Party's agenda two major points were highlighted: massive industrialization and the recruitment of party members. The article explores the role and functions of the socialist enterprise in communist Romania, a place where the interaction between party and society was strongly emphasized. Focusing on the first two decades of communist rule, I have chosen as a case study an enterprise with an old tradition, created at the end of the XIXth century: The Hunedoara Integrated Iron and Steel Works. In the confined space of the socialist enterprise the political, economical and social objectives of the communist regime were put in practice. In this context, the socialist enterprise became one of the most important places of propaganda, domination and control.

The article presents the way the first Associations and Foundations are set up in Romania, focusing on the tight circle of people dedicated to the domain and specialized on the road, staying forever in the NGO sector, moving from one organization to another or working for more than one at the same time. From lack of legislation to unclear regulations, NGOs struggle on their path with logistical issues which influenced their performance, public image, their projects and mostly their results. The author identifies the outcome as determined by the struggle to access grants, the NGO agenda versus financer's agenda, the absence of grants for a specific type of issues, the shortage of the professionalized staff, the challenge of working with volunteers, the compulsory annual reports and financial reports to the Government authorities.

The article takes issue with the deeply entrenched historical conception about the shaping of social policies in pre-communist Romania, which indicates socialist politics and socialist-enlisted worker trade-unionism as the only significant agents of change, also depicting the non-socialist political forces of the time as participating to the process by merely employing the strategy of stern resistance and piecemeal concessions. The alternative view offered stresses the pivotal roles performed in the context by the ideological trend of socially-minded liberalism, by the movements of professional representation with petty entrepreneurial and white-collar constituencies and by the corporatist design for the representation of professional interests. The successive stages of the inquiry leading to the formulation of such interpretative theses - and inaugurated as a research on the relation between fascist modernism and the corporatist vision of rapid economic growth under an authoritarian political cover in the local milieu - are disclosed all throughout.

In February 1938, a monarchical regime was established in Romania. In order to strengthen the power of the monarch and his discretionary control over the administration, a new administrative law was drafted. Administrative law no. 2919, published in the Official Monitor no. 187 from August 14, 1938 grouped the 71 counties of Romania into 10 regions. The region was a territorial circumscription, endowed with legal personality.
According to the Administrative law from August 14, 1938, the county became a simple district of control and deconcentration of the central administration, losing its legal personality. The prefect was authorized to exercise the control of the local administration in the urban and rural communes of the county. One form of the control over the work of local authorities was their regular inspection. In April 1940, the prefect of the Cahul County, colonel Dumitru Dobrescu, inspected the county communes, clarifying various aspects of the activities of local administrations. The results of these inspections make it possible to create a true picture of the realities of the Bessarabian villages to months before the territorial abduction in June 1940.