Suchergebnisse

U članku se analizira situacija u tvornici obuće u Borovu u vrijeme demokratskih promjena 1990. Tvornica se krajem osamdesetih godina nalazi u ozbiljnoj krizi, ponajviše zbog strukturnih problema. Osim toga, učestali su štrajkovi i sukobi različitih nivoa vlasti oko nadzora nad tvornicom. Prvi višestranački izbori donose potpuno nove političke okolnosti u okruženju tvornice, dok u samoj tvornici neko vrijeme opstaju upravljačke strukture iz starog sustava. Na primjeru tzv. lipanjskog štrajka radnika 1990. u članku se pokušava prikazati koliko je socijalistička praksa i dalje bila aktualna, odnosno kako se radnicima umjesto suočavanja s problemima pokušava ponuditi novi kolektivistički okvir iluzije. U isto vrijeme prikazuje se kako je teška situacija radnika u kombinatu Borovo bila plodno tlo za širenje nacionalističkih teza. Na navedenim primjerima pokušava se analizirati teza o koaliciji socijalističke elite i radništva kroz kupovinu socijalnog mira, zatim teza o nacionalizmu kao novom "kolektivnom plaštu" koji je zamijenio socijalizam te, konačno, pokušava se propitati koliko su demokratske promjene u slučaju Borova bile zaista proces demokratizacije, a koliko nastojanja novih aktera da zauzmu mjesto u društvu koje je do tada imao Savez komunista. ; The article analyzes the situation in the footwear factory Borovo in the times of democratic changes in 1990. At the end of the 1980s the factory found itself in a serious crisis, mostly due to structural problems. Furthermore, strikes and conflicts of different levels of authority for custody over the factory were very frequent. First multiparty elections brought completely new political circumstances in the factory environment. However, in the factory there was still the same management as in the old system. In the article we examine, based on the example of the so-called June-strike of workers in 1990, to what extent the same socialist practice was still actual, that is, how the workers were offered a new framework of collective illusion, instead of making them face real problems. At the same time, the hard position of workers in Borovo was a "fertile ground" for nationalistic ideas. Based on the mentioned examples, we analyze the thesis about coalitio n of socialist elites and the working class by means of buying social peace. Furthermore, we analyze the thesis about nationalism as a new "collective mantle" which substitutes socialism. Finally, we examine to what extent democratic changes were truly a process of democratization rather than efforts of new actors to take over the position in society that was held by the Communist Party in the previous period.

Europeizacija stambenih politika samostalno je i u sklopu šire europske socijalne politike bila od marginalnog istraživačkog značaja u korpusu stambenih studija i socijalne politike zbog načelnog i stvarnog neuplitanja EU-a u stambene politike država članica. Stambena politika u nadležnosti je država članica EU-a, pa je stoga nužno višedimenzionalno mjeriti europsku integraciju u ovom području. U ovom su radu analizirani utjecaji europeizacije kroz mehanizme europske integracije temeljem uvida iz dviju postsocijalističkih država članica EU-a – Slovenije i Hrvatske. Zaključnom se raspravom ukazuje na europeizacijski deficit u stambenom području kada je riječ o Hrvatskoj u odnosu na Sloveniju. Konačno, predlaže se proširenje analize na veći broj postsocijalističkih država članica EU-a te se stoga ovaj rad stavlja u službu poticanja daljnjeg istraživanja teme. ; Europeanization of housing piolicies was, separately as well as a part of wider European social policy, of marginal research importance in housing studies because of non-interference of EU in member states' domestic housing policies. Responsibility for housing policies lies at the level of EU member states and therefore it is necessary to study European integration in this area multidimensionally. Europeanization impacts related to housing policies are comparatively analysed by using integration mechanisms approach on two post-socialist EU member states: Slovenia and Croatia. Concluding discussion is focused on pointing out the Europeanization deficit in the housing area when Croatia is concerned, in relation to Slovenia. Finally, country sample enlargement is advised by including other cases of post-socialist EU member states dealing with European policy impulses in housing area, which puts this paper in service of further housing policy research.

Hrvatska je bila gospodarski i demografski uspješnija u periodu od 1946. — 1990. nego nakon osamostaljenja. Članak istražuje uzroke takvog stanja kao i teorijske konzekvence studije slučaja Republike Hrvatske. Članak navodi uzroke vrlo brzog gospodarskog rasta Socijalističke Republike Hrvatske do 1980. godine ali i uzroke ekonomske krize u posljednjih deset godina socijalističkog poretka i komunističke diktature. Ta kriza je doprinijela (uz vanjskopolitičke okolnosti) propasti socijalizma i Jugoslavije, te uvođenju demokracije i kapitalizma. Međutim, novi sustav nije ispunio očekivanja. Republika Hrvatska je postigla vrlo skromne gospodarske rezultate nakon osamostaljenja, uz značajan pad broja stanovnika. Iako je rat pridonio takvom stanju, poslijeratni rezultati pokazuju da je pogrešna gospodarska politika glavni uzročnik tog neuspjeha. Osobito je negativan bio utjecaj privatizacije. Na teorijskom planu, studija slučaja Hrvatske ne potvrđuje dominantne teorije o prednostima demokracije nad diktaturom, kapitalizma nad socijalizmom ni teorije koje ističu prednosti nacionalne homogenosti za gospodarski rast, ali potvrđuje teorije o utjecaju ekonomije na tranziciju iz diktature u demokraciju. ; Croatia was economically and demographically more successful during the period from 1946 — 90 than after the independence. The article investigates the causes of such a situation as well as the theoretical consequences of the case study of the Republic of Croatia. The article explains the causes of the very rapid economic development of the Socialist Republic of Croatia until 1980. However, during the last ten years of the socialist system and communist dictatorship, an economic crisis broke out. This crisis contributed (along with foreign policy circumstances) to the collapse of that system, to the introduction of democracy and capitalism, and to the collapse of former Yugoslavia. Yet, the new system did not meet its expectations. The Republic of Croatia achieved very modest economic results after independence, with a ...

Koncepcija općenarodne obrane i društvene samozaštite, kako se od sredine 1970-ih zvao jugoslavenski obrambeno-zaštitni sustav, počela se provoditi nakon invazije zemalja Varšavskoga ugovora na Čehoslovačku u kolovozu 1968. Jugoslavenski komunisti smatrali su da se takvoj, iznenadnoj i uspješnoj agresiji mogu učinkovito suprotstaviti samo organiziranim angažmanom svih raspoloživih potencijala društva na temelju svojega revolucionarnog iskustva i promišljanja klasika marksizma o naoružanome narodu. Tako je počela nastajati obrambena koncepcija koja je osjetno opteretila društvo, povećala ionako velike financijske izdatke za vojsku i potaknula militarizaciju društva. Premda je istovremeno s obrambenom funkcijom problematizirana i funkcija sigurnosti društva pod imenom društvena samozaštita, pravi poticaj za njezino teorijsko i praktično uobličavanje dao je upad naoružane skupine Feniks u Jugoslaviju u ljeto 1972. No do koliko-toliko učinkovite fuzije tih dvaju zaštitnih kompleksa doći će tek 1979. osnivanjem komiteta za općenarodnu obranu i društvenu samozaštitu, koji su u obrambeno-zaštitnom sustavu trebali osigurati rukovodeću ulogu Saveza komunista Jugoslavije. ; The conception of total people's defence and social self-protection, as the Yugoslav defence-protection system was called, began to be implemented after the Warsaw Pact countries' invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Yugoslav communists believed that this sudden and successful aggression could be effectively opposed only through the organised engagement of all available societal potentials, based on its revolutionary experience and reflections on Marxist classics regarding arming the populace. This was the beginning of a conception of defence that visibly burdened the society, increased the already large military budget, and prompted the militarisation of society. Although the security of society, called social self-protection, was discussed at the same time as defence, the true impetus for its theoretical and practical formation was the infiltration of the paramilitary cell Feniks (Phoenix) into Yugoslavia in summer 1972. In contrast to total people's defence, whose implementation was considered successful, the implementation of social self-protection ran into numerous problems because security was from 1945 to 1966 exclusively the responsibility of the security service, and therefore difficult to accept in other social structures. For this reason, on several occasions the League of Communists initiated its acceptance on all levels of organisation in party and social-political structures. A relatively efficient fusion of these two protective complexes was achieved only in 1979, after the founding of committees for total people's defence and social self-protection, which were supposed to secure the leading role of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in the defence-security system.

The drama of Yugoslav socialism had begun long before its final collapse, only a few years after its coming to power. It had been announced by social events which the ruling politics neither expected nor could explain; events which at first were manifested in various forms of self-willed conduct of those employed in economy, and later in increasingly pervasive and complex disturbances in the system of material reproduction and other spheres of social life. Those events faced the ruling politics with the enigma of society that posed a serious challenge to the existing model of etatist economy and monopoly power of the Party. In this article, the author focuses precisely on the above-mentioned problem, i.e. on the relation of the ruling politics of socialism towards the social world of life (society): what did it do in order to regain mastery over the social events which gradually eluded its control, and what is the significance of the methods and procedure which it applied to that effect? All that the ruling politics of Yugoslav socialism was faced with and all it resorted to is observed by the author merely as a special case of socialism in general. Adapted from the source document.

Ovaj rad analizira načine na koje se predstavljanje žena promijenilo od partizanki kao revolucionarnih tema, do kućanica i potrošačica u kasnim 60tim godinama. Ova je promjena vezana uz društveno-političke promjene u jugoslavenskom kontekstu i uz napuštanje ideje ženske emancipacije koja je osmišljena i prihvaćena tijekom i nakon rata. Naime, partizanska borba za oslobađanje od nacističke okupacije te socijalistička revolucija dva su temeljna mita Socijalističke Jugoslavije. Žene su igrale aktivne uloge u toj borbi, kao borci ali i daleko od borbenih linija (logistička podrška, špijuniranje, liječenje i dr.). Također, jednakost između muškaraca i žena je bio važan segment službene ideologije države. Ovi su se narativi kasnije i zabilježili u kolektivnoj memoriji kroz književnost, film, glazbu i stripove. U našem radu istražujemo pet načina prikazivanja ženstvenosti u jugoslavenskom filmu: (1) partizanka, (2) žena u pozadini, (3) suradnica, (4) radnica i (5) domaćica, kako bi prikazali načine na koje predstavljanje žena između 1947. i kasnih 60tih korespondira službenoj politici emancipacije te na koji način ovi prikazi korespondiraju svakodnevici tog vremena. Nadalje, ovo predstavlja analizu filma sagledanog kao skup priča koje su jugoslavenski muškarci i žene sami iznosili o sebi. Ovakav pristup ima potencijal ukazati na antagonizme unutar društvenog konteksta u kojem su ovi filmovi nastajali, tako što naglašava nedostižne ideala slobode i emancipacije. Istovremeno, cilj ove analize nije samo otvoriti još jedan vid istraživanja prošlosti, već također ponovno razmotriti emacipacijski potencijal kojeg ovakvo istraživanja pruža danas. ; This paper will analyse ways in which representation of women changed from partisans as revolutionary subjects to housewives and consumers in the late 1960's. This transformation is linked with sociopolitical changes in the Yugoslav context and the abandonment of women's emancipation as it was framed and adopted initially during and after WWII. Namely, the partisan struggle for the liberation from Nazi occupation, as well as the socialist revolution were two foundational myths of Socialist Yugoslavia. Women played an active role in this struggle, both as fighters and through their work behind the lines (as logistical support, spying, nursing, etc.). Likewise, equality between men and women was an important part the country's official ideology. These narratives were later memorialized through literature, cinema, music as well as comic books. In our work, we will explore five tropes of femininity in Yugoslav cinema: (1) the role of the partisan, (2) woman in the background, (3) collaborator, (4) worker and (5) housewife, in order to map out ways in which the representation of women between 1947 and the late 1960's corresponds to official emancipatory politics of the time and how these tropes related with everyday life in this period. Finally, this will lead to an analysis of cinema as a collection of stories Yugoslav women and men told themselves (and others) about themselves.1 This approach has the potential to indicate the antagonisms within the social context in which these films were produced, by highlighting the unattained ideals of freedom and emancipation. Simultaneously, the goal of this analysis is not to merely open up another space for a more complex exploration of the past, but also to reconsider the emancipatory potential this exploration offers us today.

Using the example of Vojvodina, the author looks into the connection between the "socialist ideology" & the anti-Western orientation. The survey, conducted in Subotica, focuses on the influence of ethnic origin, education, migratory history, & the participation of a respondent's family in the Partisan resistance movement on the latent configuration of certain political orientations (subdimension of "socialist ideology") & the anti-Western orientation. The author claims there are four relatively independent latent dimensions of "socialist ideology": (1) Yugo-nostalgia, (2) Collectivist/statist orientation, (3) Militarist/statist orientation, & (4) Egalitarianism. The study has shown that, basically, the anti-Western orientation is one of the components of the socialist ideological pattern. The "militarist anti-Western orientation" is demonstrated by the Serbs who moved to Subotica between WWI & the recent war on the territory of the former SFR Yugoslavia. Apart from these Serbs -- & unlike the other ethnic groups -- this "militarist anti-Western orientation" is also noticeable in a fraction of Croats from Backa (Bunjevci) who have stated as their nationality "only" -- Bunjevci (Backa Croats). Besides, the study has shown that lower social classes harbor a kind of "socialist anti-Western orientation." The anti-Western orientation, which the author labels as the "Yugo-nostalgic anti-Western orientation," is held by those respondents whose relatives were involved in the Partisan movement. 15 Tables, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the predictions of the demise of socialism in the works of H. Arendt, T. Parsons, & R. Dahrendorf. He also enumerates enduring elements on which nationalism has relied upon in modern spiritual history, defines nationalism, & looks into its influence on the Croatian political system. The author focuses on the political significance of nationalism & cautions against its dangers unless reined in by the institutions of the state of law. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the development of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) as a federal party & states its ideological & programmatic objectives. The inauspicious experience of the Weimar Republic as well as the disastrous aftermath of the reign of National Socialism played the pivotal role in the shaping of the CDU. There have been attempts to fill in the ethical vacuum following the collapse of National Socialism by Christian humanism. The author focuses next on the Ahlen program (1947) & the Hamburg (1953) & Berlin (1968) party conventions. Particularly highlighted is the period between 1969 & 1982, the era of program modernization. In closing, the author looks into the current party standings in Germany today. Adapted from the source document.

The context of the development of the Croatian society after the decay of the socialist structures is burdened not only with the processes specific for all postsocialist countries, such as the loss of traditional securities or the renaissance of "disintegrating capitalism" (Beck, 1994, 479), but also with specific postwar processes. Since this has resulted in complex mediation between individual & collective behaviors, the youth of the 1990s in Croatia have found themselves in an ambivalent situation; with the gap between the wish for security & the possibilities for development, they can hardly develop self-functioning ways of achieving material, cultural, & biographical resources. Skeptical about their own future, they tend primarily to provide for their everyday basic needs & declare themselves as nonpolitical, interested only in themselves, their private space, & free time. 66 References. Adapted from the source document.