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There are principles in the world by which everything happens, by which the world works. This applies to both natural and social phenomena. However, it happens that these principles are inverted into something completely different. It is also often the case, in order to hide the true essence, that new names for phenomena or processes that obscure things and hide the right intentions are invented. The best example of how this works in practice can be seen in the examples of totalitarianism and democracy. The principle of totalitarianism is based on an authoritarian system of government, unlimited power of the leader, aggressive expansionism and control of the state. In its original meaning, democracy (the rule of the people - the majority) is the opposite of totalitarianism. However, do we have the true rule of the people today, or is there just a new form of totalitarianism behind that phrase? Every period, including this one today, imposes some general ideas that preoccupy people and nations. One such example is the mundialist idea of organizing a "world without borders" as a whole into which individual peoples and states are immersed. A process called transition has been imposed as a by-product of globalization and a mandatory pattern for former socialist countries. Therefore, Wallerstein is right in saying that the whole world is in a situation of "a kind of global transition". A large number of papers have been written in an effort to explain these processes. One of the discourses that can explain the "global transition" is the principle of inverted socialism. Namely, if socialism is based on the idea of social justice, that is, the distribution of social wealth to as many members of society as possible, the inverted socialism operates on the principle of profit privatization, and the socialization of losses at all levels. Globally, the rich (2%) are becoming richer and the majority of the population is becoming poorer. As a result of such a process, instead of a harmonious future, as Fukuyama predicted, there is the death of the welfare state on the one hand, and the socialization of losses on the other (the best example is the world financial crisis and bank rehabilitation by the states - of course at the expense of the people). Therefore, both globally and locally, it is time for a new Marx and a new true rather than inverted socialism.

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

Collection : Bibliothèque socialiste ; Collection : Bibliothèque socialiste ; Contient une table des matières

"Stateless socialism‖" is the fourth chapter of Edward Abramowski's book Socialism and State. A Contribution to the Critique of Contemporary Socialism. Abramowski, a Polish political philosopher and social theorist, was also one of the founders of the cooperative movement in Poland. Written at the turn of 1903 and 1904 and published in 1904 (Polish Society of Publishers, Lviv) under the alias ―M. A. Czajkowski‖, Socialism and State is one of Abramowski's most important works, and is devoted to the philosophical justifications of socialist politics, the subversive character of social facts, and the doctrine of stateless socialism, the realisation of which was, according to Abramowski, the cooperative movement. In opposition to both classical Marxism and the social-democratic trend, which found in the state a tool by which the workers' movement would free itself from the chains of capitalism, by taking over, democratizing, and at the same time expanding state institutions, Abramowski proposes a vision of a grassroots revolution of specialised associations. Their ideology does not constitute a political doctrine, but is political practice itself, the domain of the common that allows the masses to create an autonomous subjective experience. Thus, the philosopher presents his concept of class struggle, grasped as a creative element of differentiation of forms of socialisation. This understanding also allows him to define class not as a substantial feature of a political subject, but as a kind of condition or action. He perceives the revolution as a transformation of the subject position in relation to the socio-economic conditions that define it, an ethical change that opens new possibilities for community life in the heart of the ancien regime.

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

Citation: Holland, John Warren. Municipal socialism. Senior thesis, Kansas State Agricultural College, 1896. ; Morse Department of Special Collections ; Introduction: The rapid increase of unborn population over rural means to the thoughtful man that in a comparatively few years the great masses of the people will live in cities. Small cities will grow larger, new cities will spring up and the percent of rural dwellers will gradually decrease until it will no longer demand consideration. This fact has turned the tide of thought in a new direction. Government is becoming more intensive. The question now before the public is not so much, How shall we govern our state or nation? But, How shall we govern our cities? We now find ourselves confronted with the problem of municipal government. In what manner shall we conduct the government of our cities so the greatest number may receive the greatest good? And what form of city government shall we have? It is proposed by some that city governments shall be miniature kingdoms; each city to be ruled over by one called whoever may be, but possessing power not unlike that of a king. Others propose a purely democratic government but fail to define the limits of such government; other theories are not wanting and among these is to be found that known as municipal socialism.

"Édition tirée à 350 exemplaires numérotés."--Prelim. p. [2]. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; BLC, ; Mode of access: Internet. ; glmr: Microfilm. New Haven, CT : Yale University Library Preservation Department. 1 microfilm reel ; 35 mm. (Preservation of political science and history of economics collections project) ; "Exemplaire no. 86." ; In paper original covers.

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

"Les deux études . ont paru sous forme d'articles dans la Revue socialiste (1900-1901)" ; Socialisme d'opposition, socialisme de gouvernement et lutte de classe.--Le principe démocratique et le socialisme. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Extrait de la Revue d'économie politique, 1906." ; Mode of access: Internet.

In Autrement qu'être Levinas introduces the notion of "an-archy", not only to refer to an immemorial order of meaning in the trace of the other in oneself, but also in a political sense that claims a disorder or even a power of revolt stemming from the ethical sociality that the experience of the face awakens. Henceforth, the establishment of the order of political meaning no longer makes it possible to embrace or exhaust the sociality resulting from this intersubjective experience. In this anarchic demand for the sociality of the human Levinas thus joins some presupositions of socialism and libertarian Judaism in Europe. It is therefore a question of identifying possible points of raprochement and crossroads, which will apear in a way that is often unexpected for certain Levinassian orthodoxy. ; Dans Autrement qu'être Levinas introduit la notion d'"an-archie", pour désigner un ordre de sens immémorial aussi bien que dans un sens politique, qui fait de la place à une puissance de révolte issue de l'éthique. Désormais, la mise en place de l'ordre de sens politique ne permet plus d'englober ni d'épuiser la socialité issue de cette expérience intersubjective. Dans cette revendication anarchique de la socialité de l'humain Levinas rejoint donc quelques présuposés du socialisme et le judaïsme libertaire en Europe. Il s'agit donc de déceler les possibles points de raprochement et de croisement, qui aparaîtront d'une façon souvent inattendue pour une certaine orthodoxie levinassienne.

The redistribution of political power -- The evolution of society -- Modern socialism -- Why I am a socialist -- Radicalism and socialism -- The socialist movement. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Each essay has separate t.-p. and pagnination. ; The redistribution of political power.- The evolution of society.-Modern socialism. Why I am a socialist.- Radicalism and socialism.- The socialist movement. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Clarke,W. The Fabian society and its work.-- The basis of socialism: Shaw,G. B. Economic ; Webb,S. Historic ; Clarke,W. Industrial ; Olivier,S. Moral.--The organization of society: Wallas,G. Property under socialism ; Besant,A. Industry under socialism.--The transition to social democracy: Shaw,G. B. Transition ; Bland,H. The outlook.--Index. ; Mode of access: Internet.