Suchergebnisse

The article is devoted to the problem of eco-geographical, socio-economic and socio-political factors of distribution of the tea subculture in various societies. As a result of the study, the author concluded that consumption of tea is a concomitant of a social structure that corresponds to liberal types of economic systems or to more archaic authoritarian regimes, or a combination of them (as in the case of China). This suggests that these societies encourage and distribute the tea subculture either as a result of the influence of the metropolises (Kenya and Nigeria), or patrimonial authoritarian regimes, or are on the agrarian or industrial developmental stage. In general, the promotion of a conservative type of development of society with traditional technologies and belated modernization corresponds to high rates of tea consumption. Transitional (transitory) societies with multiple social identities (which takes place either through multi-ethnicity, multi-confessionality, multiculturalism, consociality, etc.) also tend to increase the consumption of tea. At the same time, in the dissemination of the tea subculture, the researcher must also take into account a number of climatic, geographic and environmental factors, in particular: the permissibility / unresolved food problem; availability / unavailability of sources of drinking water of physiologically minimal utility; aridity / humidity of the climate. Socio-economic factors in the distribution of the tea subculture include harvesting and forced modernization, while maintaining archaic political institutions; high rates of social polarity / inequalities, from which the lower classes stratified the morality of intolerance towards dependents; significant discrepancies in the standard of living of territorial communities that were formed on the colonial periphery; an insignificant place of the middle class in the social structure, accompanying the inequality of material and financial and educational capital. ; Статья посвящена проблеме эко-географических, социально-экономических и социально-политических факторов распространения чайной субкультуры в различных обществах. В результате проведенного исследования автором сделан вывод о том, что потребление чая является сопутствующим такой социальной структуре, которая соответствует либеральным типам экономических систем или более архаичным авторитарным режимам, или их сочетанию (как в случае с Китаем). Это дает основание предположить, что указанные общества поощряют и распространяют чайную субкультуру или в результате воздействия метрополий (Кения и Нигерия), или патримониальных авторитарных режимов, или же находятся на аграрном или индустриальном фазисе развития. В целом продвижению консервативного типа развития общества с традиционными технологиями и запоздалой модернизацией соответствуют высокие показатели потребления чая. Переходные (транзитные) общества с множественной социальной идентичностью (которая имеет место либо за счет мультиэтничности, мультиконфессиональности, поликультурности, консоциальности т.п.) также имеют тенденцию к увеличенному потреблению чая. В то же время, при распространении чайной субкультуры исследователь должен принимать во внимание также ряд климато-географических и экологических факторов, в частности: разрешенность / неразрешенность продовольственной проблемы; доступность / недоступность источников питьевой воды физиологически минимальной полезности; засушливость / влажность климата. К социально-экономических факторам распространения чайной субкультуры принадлежат заготовка и форсированная модернизация при сохранении архаичных политических институтов; высокие показатели социальной полярности / неравенства, из которых проистекает стрессированность представителей низших слоев моралью нетолерантности к иждивенцам; значительные расхождения в уровне жизни территориальных сообществ, которые сформировались на колониальной периферии; незначительное место среднего класса в социальной структуре, сопутствующее неравенству материально-финансового и образовательного капитала. ; Статтю присвячено проблемі еко-географічних, соціально-економічних та соціально-політичних чинників поширення чайної субкультури в різних суспільствах. В результаті проведеного дослідження автором зроблено висновок про те, що споживання чаю є супутнім такій соціальній структурі, яка відповідає ліберальним типам економічних систем або більш архаїчним авторитарним режимам, або їх поєднанню (як у випадку з Китаєм). Це дає підставу припустити, що зазначені суспільства заохочують і поширюють чайну субкультуру або в результаті впливу метрополій (Кенія та Нігерія), або патрімоніальних авторитарних режимів, або ж перебувають на аграрному або індустріального фазисі розвитку. В цілому просуванню консервативному типу розвитку суспільства з традиційними технологіями та запізнілою модернізацією відповідають високі показники споживання чаю. Перехідні (транзитні) суспільства із множинною соціальною ідентичністю (яка має місце або за рахунок мультиетнічності, мультиконфесійності, полікультурності, консоціальності тощо) також мають тенденцію до збільшеного споживання чаю. Водночас при поширенні чайної субкультури дослідник має приймати до уваги також низку клімато-географічних та екологічних чинників, зокрема: розв'язаність / нерозв'язаність продовольчої проблеми; доступність / недоступність джерел питної води фізіологічно-мінімальної корисності; засушливість / вологість клімату. До соціально-економічних чинників поширення чайної субкультури належать незавершена та форсована модернізація при збереженні архаїчних політичних інституцій; високі показники соціальної поляризованості / нерівності, з яких випливає стресованість нижчих верств мораллю нетолерантності; значні розбіжності в рівні життя територіальних спільнот, які сформувалися на колоніальній периферії; незначне місце середнього класу в соціальній структурі, що випливає з нерівності матеріально-фінансового та освітнього капіталу.

Multicultural education of students in a secondary school should be realized in various contexts, especially at the level of primary and middle school; it should be integrated into different types of educational activity. Systematic approach to multicultural education, in the framework of which students acquire the skills of socially acceptable behavior, civic responsibility and social partnership, should be realized at all levels of the educational process, and namely: educational courses; integration of multicultural content elements into existing subjects; availability of democratic school climate; properly organized out-of-school work; participation of school students in the activities of local ethnical communities and cultural societies, etc. ; Полікультурне виховання учнів у загальноосвітньому навчальному закладі має здійснюватися у різних контекстах, особливо на рівні початкової та середньої освіти; інтегруватися у різні види навчально-вихованої діяльності. Системний підхід до полікультурного виховання, у рамках якого учні навчаються навичкам соціально прийнятної поведінки, громадянської відповідальності та соціального партнерства, має реалізовуватися на всіх рівнях навчально-виховного процесу, а саме: навчальні курси; інтеграція елементів полікультурного змісту в існуючі предмети; наявність демократичного шкільного клімату; відповідно організована позакласна робота; участь вихованців у діяльності місцевих етнічних спільнот та культурних товариств тощо.

Ways of state formation is one of the important modern theoretical and methodological interdisciplinary problems, which is far from its solution. In modern prehistory there are at least four main approaches to reconstruction of this process based on: a) ways of government bodies origin (military, aristocratic etc); b) socio-economic type of new state structures (eastern or ancient slaveowning, feodal); c) variants of social and property unequality formation ("capture of power" or "capture of treasure"); d) ways of new social mode of life legitimation (leification of ruling person or system as a whole). There are also numerous concepts of state originconcentrated as a rool on external factors of this process, such as menace of war, cultural and economic influence of more developed societies etc. Nevertheless no one of mentioned theories could be verified by means of only prehistory. So, primary archeological evidences (result of reconnaissances and excavations of sites and burials) concern directly only material sphere of culture. Utilisation of ethnological evidences and written historical sources also entails some serious methodological difficulties. That's why the most acceptable way of solution the problem under study could be concentration of empiric and theoretical base of wide range of social and humanitarian sciences, such as sociology, science of law, political and economical sciences, philology, philosophy and others. ; Формування державності є однією з найактуальніших теоретико- методологічних проблем, шляхи розв'язання якої можуть бути знайдені лише в результаті творчого синтезу зусиль представників вельми широкого кола наук. Це обумовлене в першу чергу тим, що політогенез постає надзвичайно багатогранним складним процесом, в якому тісно переплітаються правові, політичні, соціальні, економічні, етнічні та ідеологічні складові. В результаті на сучасному рівні розробки теоретико-методологічних та емпіричних підвалин даної проблематики можна твердити, що виникнення державності тією чи іншою мірою становить об'єкт дослідження представників цілої низки суспільних та гуманітарних наук. Важливе місце серед них займають історія та археологія, які головну увагу приділяють відтворенню політогенетичних процесів далекого минулого на підставі матеріальних решток життєдіяльності населення, а також за іншими різновидами історичних джерел, в тому числі за письмовими, етнографічними та мовними даними.

Ways of state formation is one of the important modern theoretical and methodological interdisciplinary problems, which is far from its solution. In modern prehistory there are at least four main approaches to reconstruction of this process based on: a) ways of government bodies origin (military, aristocratic etc); b) socio-economic type of new state structures (eastern or ancient slaveowning, feodal); c) variants of social and property unequality formation ("capture of power" or "capture of treasure"); d) ways of new social mode of life legitimation (leification of ruling person or system as a whole). There are also numerous concepts of state originconcentrated as a rool on external factors of this process, such as menace of war, cultural and economic influence of more developed societies etc. Nevertheless no one of mentioned theories could be verified by means of only prehistory. So, primary archeological evidences (result of reconnaissances and excavations of sites and burials) concern directly only material sphere of culture. Utilisation of ethnological evidences and written historical sources also entails some serious methodological difficulties. That's why the most acceptable way of solution the problem under study could be concentration of empiric and theoretical base of wide range of social and humanitarian sciences, such as sociology, science of law, political and economical sciences, philology, philosophy and others. ; Формування державності є однією з найактуальніших теоретико- методологічних проблем, шляхи розв'язання якої можуть бути знайдені лише в результаті творчого синтезу зусиль представників вельми широкого кола наук. Це обумовлене в першу чергу тим, що політогенез постає надзвичайно багатогранним складним процесом, в якому тісно переплітаються правові, політичні, соціальні, економічні, етнічні та ідеологічні складові. В результаті на сучасному рівні розробки теоретико-методологічних та емпіричних підвалин даної проблематики можна твердити, що виникнення державності тією чи іншою мірою становить об'єкт дослідження представників цілої низки суспільних та гуманітарних наук. Важливе місце серед них займають історія та археологія, які головну увагу приділяють відтворенню політогенетичних процесів далекого минулого на підставі матеріальних решток життєдіяльності населення, а також за іншими різновидами історичних джерел, в тому числі за письмовими, етнографічними та мовними даними.

The paper deals with the women's press from the last quarter of the 19th century until the Second World War. The way in which the press represented its societies is studied, and the dynamics of the development of women's periodicals is shown, in particular, how it changed the coverage of the organizational activities of the associations: principles and methods of work in branches, circles, availability of resource base, psychological features of women delegates, etc. Particular attention is paid to the largest society in Eastern Galicia – the «Union of Ukrainian Women» and its publications – «Zhinocha dolya» (Women's Destiny), «Zhinocha volya» (Women's Will), «Zhinka» (Woman) and others. Besides, the following magazines are mentioned: «Ruska nyva» (Russian Field), «Zhinochyi golos» (Women's Voice). The editors of the publications are also briefly characterized. The correlation between the organizational condition of the societies and their press activity is proved. Through magazines, the societies promptly informed their members and the public in different parts of the region about the labour and propagated their ideas. The ideological growth of the Ukrainian women's movement is scientifically substantiated in the paper. During the period under review in the mentioned issues political and family rights of women were discussed, the achievements of neighboring countries were uncovered, and at the same time, the right of women to get higher education was emphasized. ; В статье рассмотрена женская пресса с последней четверти XIXв. до начала Второй мировой войны. Исследовано как она представляла свои общества, а также раскрыта динамика развития женской периодики, в частности, как она меняла освещение организационной деятельности объединений: принципы и методы работы в филиалах, кружках. Доказана взаимосвязь между организационным состоянием обществ и их прессовой деятельностью. Благодаря журналам общество оперативно знакомило своих членов и общественность в разных уголках края о своей деятельности и пропагандировало свои идеи. ; У статті розглянуто жіночу пресу з останньої чверті ХІХст. до початку Другої світової війни. Досліджено як вона репрезентувала свої товариства, а також розкрито динаміку розвитку жіночої періодики, зокрема, як вона змінювала висвітлення організаційної діяльності об'єднань: принципи та методи праці у філіях, кружках. Доведено взаємозв'язок між організаційним станом товариств та їх пресовою діяльністю. Завдяки часописам товариства оперативно ознайомлювали своїх членкинь і громадськість у різних куточках краю про працю та пропагували свої ідеї.

«Representation» is a complex scientific concept which includes legal, political, economic and historical aspects. For a comprehensive review of this phenomenon in the work were used monographic studies, work materials of representative organizations of the bourgeoisie, periodic and journalistic literature of late XIX – early XX centuries, and also were studied approaches to the definition of this concept in political science, economics, civil and business law. Given the interdisciplinarity of this phenomenon, in article is analyzed the history of formation of representative organizations of the bourgeoisie in post-reform period, are selected the basic factors, which have influence on this process. Formation of representative structures of the economic elite is considered as a two-way process: on the one hand - the government's interest in obtaining of the expert evaluation of the business community about state of development of branches of economics and possible ways to improve the efficiency of the economy; on the other hand – the initiative themselves of Industrialists and entrepreneurs in the creation of effective mechanisms to influence government decisions. During the analysis of the historical conjuncture in article are characterized bodies of representative of an official nature (committees of trade and manufactures, Exchange Committees), is showed their difference from private bodies of representation (congresses, advisory firms, societies, etc.). Particular attention is paid to the attitude of contemporaries (representatives of the government, general public, the entrepreneurs) to the representative corporations, is presented their assessment of the role and the significance of the entrepreneurial alliances in industrial development of the second half of the XIX – the beginning of XX centuries. Also are considered value judgments of historians of different historical periods (pre-revolutionary, Soviet, contemporary) relatively of the degree of influence as representative organizations, as the bourgeoisie itself in condition of monarchical rule. The article concludes about direct dependence of these preferences from the position of the author and about dominant worldview concept in one or the other period of time. Is underlined the key importance of the system of representation in conditions, when decisions had to be made quickly and financial flows had to be directed to perform specific tasks. ; «Представництво» є комплексним науковим поняттям, що включає юридичні, політологічні, економічні та історичні аспекти. Враховуючи міждисциплінарність цього явища, у статті проаналізовано історію становлення системи представницьких організацій буржуазії в пореформений період, виділено основні фактори, що впливали на цей процес. Особливу увагу приділено ставленню сучасників (представників влади, громадськості, самих підприємців) до представницьких корпорацій, подано їхню оцінку ролі та значення підприємницьких союзів у промисловому розвитку другої половини ХІХ – початку ХХ ст.

This article analyzes political values of the contemporary world and Ukraine in connection with conception of postmodernism. The article has focus on political science analysis of axiology like a determinant of the political life. Postmodern epoch has emerged after disillusionment with modernism ideals and its optimism. The person`s alienation from his/her origin, the change of industrial conditions, the senseless of revolutions, humanity`s self-destruction in world wars constituted an epoch of Postmodernism.The notion of postmodernism is described by philosophers as a new cultural tendency of Western societies. It can be characterized through the basic features such as openness and readiness for perception sociopolitical and cultural changes, freedom of self-expression, improvement of quality of life, care for ecology etc. For instance J.F. Lyotard used the concept of postmodernism to describe the condition of knowledge in the most highly developed societies.The emergence of the phenomenon of postmodern caused by the crisis of modernism`s metaphysical philosophy. According to J.F. Lyotard, modernism is losing its functors, great hero, great dangers, great voyages and great goal. In contrast postmodernism denies any kind of ideology, dominance, violence or war for the sake of peace and agreement. It contradicts monism, unification, totalitarianism and necessity of utopias. Also it approves the idea of diversity, the competition of paradigms and coexistence of diverse elements. Otherwise the conception of pluralism is the one of the main postmodernism feature.Postmodernism was emerged to explain the global conditions of the last decades of twentieth century. In consequence, it is intended for explaining the contemporary crisis phenomena and processes, finding new priorities, aims and tasks for humanity. That is why the transformation of social, cultural and economic lives tends to form the new basis of modern societies which faces a task of changing orientations and revaluation basic social and political values. A lot of philosophers agree to main idea of dominance the value consciousness over the ideological one. Nowadays axiological systems of the groups, societies or states become similar to each other. Political values can be considered like core and universal. They are characterized as rule of law, sovereignty, observation of human rights, individualism, freedom, equity, tolerance, peace, consensus, pluralism etc. These political values are basic for contemporary postmodern country. Despite the certain set of state`s political values postmodern nation state suffer from the tendencies of globalization which minimize the guide role of the nation state. That is why modern country needs to be rethought according to postmodern paradigm.Ukraine also needs to rethink the current and future status of its values and its place in the world`s order. On the one hand, declared by Ukraine its euro integration vector requires acceptance universal European political values such as dominance individual values over national ones, diversity of political behavior and prevailing role of global axiology over national. On the other hand, having a system crisis inherited from Soviet Union, Ukraine should form its own national identity on basis of national idea and then implement political and national values like responsibility, justice, dignity etc. After Ukrainian achieving independence from Soviet Union new values emerged such as democracy, freedom, constitutional state, observing human rights, justice and national patriotism. They were declared as the course of Ukrainian development but the implementation had faced some difficulties like reactionaries and oligarchic groups. To O. Babkina`s mind, the actual problem of modern Ukraine is both unity of Ukraine and its contradiction from external threat of its sovereignty. Moreover the dire threat of national integrity influenced over social consolidation, invoked forming sociopolitical values and determined geopolitical vector for Ukraine. Positive factors for Ukrainian axiological system are consolidation of national idea, overcoming the value cleavage among political elites and citizens, growing patriotism of financial groups and authority.To sum up, Ukraine is building its own Postmodern to be a competitive and perspective actor of foreign policy due to its efforts of overcoming the value cleavage of Ukrainian society and strengthen first positive achievements. ; This article analyzes political values of the contemporary world and Ukraine in connection with conception of postmodernism. The article has focus on political science analysis of axiology like a determinant of the political life. Postmodern epoch has emerged after disillusionment with modernism ideals and its optimism. The person`s alienation from his/her origin, the change of industrial conditions, the senseless of revolutions, humanity`s self-destruction in world wars constituted an epoch of Postmodernism.The notion of postmodernism is described by philosophers as a new cultural tendency of Western societies. It can be characterized through the basic features such as openness and readiness for perception sociopolitical and cultural changes, freedom of self-expression, improvement of quality of life, care for ecology etc. For instance J.F. Lyotard used the concept of postmodernism to describe the condition of knowledge in the most highly developed societies.The emergence of the phenomenon of postmodern caused by the crisis of modernism`s metaphysical philosophy. According to J.F. Lyotard, modernism is losing its functors, great hero, great dangers, great voyages and great goal. In contrast postmodernism denies any kind of ideology, dominance, violence or war for the sake of peace and agreement. It contradicts monism, unification, totalitarianism and necessity of utopias. Also it approves the idea of diversity, the competition of paradigms and coexistence of diverse elements. Otherwise the conception of pluralism is the one of the main postmodernism feature.Postmodernism was emerged to explain the global conditions of the last decades of twentieth century. In consequence, it is intended for explaining the contemporary crisis phenomena and processes, finding new priorities, aims and tasks for humanity. That is why the transformation of social, cultural and economic lives tends to form the new basis of modern societies which faces a task of changing orientations and revaluation basic social and political values. A lot of philosophers agree to main idea of dominance the value consciousness over the ideological one. Nowadays axiological systems of the groups, societies or states become similar to each other. Political values can be considered like core and universal. They are characterized as rule of law, sovereignty, observation of human rights, individualism, freedom, equity, tolerance, peace, consensus, pluralism etc. These political values are basic for contemporary postmodern country. Despite the certain set of state`s political values postmodern nation state suffer from the tendencies of globalization which minimize the guide role of the nation state. That is why modern country needs to be rethought according to postmodern paradigm.Ukraine also needs to rethink the current and future status of its values and its place in the world`s order. On the one hand, declared by Ukraine its euro integration vector requires acceptance universal European political values such as dominance individual values over national ones, diversity of political behavior and prevailing role of global axiology over national. On the other hand, having a system crisis inherited from Soviet Union, Ukraine should form its own national identity on basis of national idea and then implement political and national values like responsibility, justice, dignity etc. After Ukrainian achieving independence from Soviet Union new values emerged such as democracy, freedom, constitutional state, observing human rights, justice and national patriotism. They were declared as the course of Ukrainian development but the implementation had faced some difficulties like reactionaries and oligarchic groups. To O. Babkina`s mind, the actual problem of modern Ukraine is both unity of Ukraine and its contradiction from external threat of its sovereignty. Moreover the dire threat of national integrity influenced over social consolidation, invoked forming sociopolitical values and determined geopolitical vector for Ukraine. Positive factors for Ukrainian axiological system are consolidation of national idea, overcoming the value cleavage among political elites and citizens, growing patriotism of financial groups and authority.To sum up, Ukraine is building its own Postmodern to be a competitive and perspective actor of foreign policy due to its efforts of overcoming the value cleavage of Ukrainian society and strengthen first positive achievements.

This article analyzes political values of the contemporary world and Ukraine in connection with conception of postmodernism. The article has focus on political science analysis of axiology like a determinant of the political life. Postmodern epoch has emerged after disillusionment with modernism ideals and its optimism. The person`s alienation from his/her origin, the change of industrial conditions, the senseless of revolutions, humanity`s self-destruction in world wars constituted an epoch of Postmodernism.The notion of postmodernism is described by philosophers as a new cultural tendency of Western societies. It can be characterized through the basic features such as openness and readiness for perception sociopolitical and cultural changes, freedom of self-expression, improvement of quality of life, care for ecology etc. For instance J.F. Lyotard used the concept of postmodernism to describe the condition of knowledge in the most highly developed societies.The emergence of the phenomenon of postmodern caused by the crisis of modernism`s metaphysical philosophy. According to J.F. Lyotard, modernism is losing its functors, great hero, great dangers, great voyages and great goal. In contrast postmodernism denies any kind of ideology, dominance, violence or war for the sake of peace and agreement. It contradicts monism, unification, totalitarianism and necessity of utopias. Also it approves the idea of diversity, the competition of paradigms and coexistence of diverse elements. Otherwise the conception of pluralism is the one of the main postmodernism feature.Postmodernism was emerged to explain the global conditions of the last decades of twentieth century. In consequence, it is intended for explaining the contemporary crisis phenomena and processes, finding new priorities, aims and tasks for humanity. That is why the transformation of social, cultural and economic lives tends to form the new basis of modern societies which faces a task of changing orientations and revaluation basic social and political values. A lot of philosophers agree to main idea of dominance the value consciousness over the ideological one. Nowadays axiological systems of the groups, societies or states become similar to each other. Political values can be considered like core and universal. They are characterized as rule of law, sovereignty, observation of human rights, individualism, freedom, equity, tolerance, peace, consensus, pluralism etc. These political values are basic for contemporary postmodern country. Despite the certain set of state`s political values postmodern nation state suffer from the tendencies of globalization which minimize the guide role of the nation state. That is why modern country needs to be rethought according to postmodern paradigm.Ukraine also needs to rethink the current and future status of its values and its place in the world`s order. On the one hand, declared by Ukraine its euro integration vector requires acceptance universal European political values such as dominance individual values over national ones, diversity of political behavior and prevailing role of global axiology over national. On the other hand, having a system crisis inherited from Soviet Union, Ukraine should form its own national identity on basis of national idea and then implement political and national values like responsibility, justice, dignity etc. After Ukrainian achieving independence from Soviet Union new values emerged such as democracy, freedom, constitutional state, observing human rights, justice and national patriotism. They were declared as the course of Ukrainian development but the implementation had faced some difficulties like reactionaries and oligarchic groups. To O. Babkina`s mind, the actual problem of modern Ukraine is both unity of Ukraine and its contradiction from external threat of its sovereignty. Moreover the dire threat of national integrity influenced over social consolidation, invoked forming sociopolitical values and determined geopolitical vector for Ukraine. Positive factors for Ukrainian axiological system are consolidation of national idea, overcoming the value cleavage among political elites and citizens, growing patriotism of financial groups and authority.To sum up, Ukraine is building its own Postmodern to be a competitive and perspective actor of foreign policy due to its efforts of overcoming the value cleavage of Ukrainian society and strengthen first positive achievements. ; This article analyzes political values of the contemporary world and Ukraine in connection with conception of postmodernism. The article has focus on political science analysis of axiology like a determinant of the political life. Postmodern epoch has emerged after disillusionment with modernism ideals and its optimism. The person`s alienation from his/her origin, the change of industrial conditions, the senseless of revolutions, humanity`s self-destruction in world wars constituted an epoch of Postmodernism.The notion of postmodernism is described by philosophers as a new cultural tendency of Western societies. It can be characterized through the basic features such as openness and readiness for perception sociopolitical and cultural changes, freedom of self-expression, improvement of quality of life, care for ecology etc. For instance J.F. Lyotard used the concept of postmodernism to describe the condition of knowledge in the most highly developed societies.The emergence of the phenomenon of postmodern caused by the crisis of modernism`s metaphysical philosophy. According to J.F. Lyotard, modernism is losing its functors, great hero, great dangers, great voyages and great goal. In contrast postmodernism denies any kind of ideology, dominance, violence or war for the sake of peace and agreement. It contradicts monism, unification, totalitarianism and necessity of utopias. Also it approves the idea of diversity, the competition of paradigms and coexistence of diverse elements. Otherwise the conception of pluralism is the one of the main postmodernism feature.Postmodernism was emerged to explain the global conditions of the last decades of twentieth century. In consequence, it is intended for explaining the contemporary crisis phenomena and processes, finding new priorities, aims and tasks for humanity. That is why the transformation of social, cultural and economic lives tends to form the new basis of modern societies which faces a task of changing orientations and revaluation basic social and political values. A lot of philosophers agree to main idea of dominance the value consciousness over the ideological one. Nowadays axiological systems of the groups, societies or states become similar to each other. Political values can be considered like core and universal. They are characterized as rule of law, sovereignty, observation of human rights, individualism, freedom, equity, tolerance, peace, consensus, pluralism etc. These political values are basic for contemporary postmodern country. Despite the certain set of state`s political values postmodern nation state suffer from the tendencies of globalization which minimize the guide role of the nation state. That is why modern country needs to be rethought according to postmodern paradigm.Ukraine also needs to rethink the current and future status of its values and its place in the world`s order. On the one hand, declared by Ukraine its euro integration vector requires acceptance universal European political values such as dominance individual values over national ones, diversity of political behavior and prevailing role of global axiology over national. On the other hand, having a system crisis inherited from Soviet Union, Ukraine should form its own national identity on basis of national idea and then implement political and national values like responsibility, justice, dignity etc. After Ukrainian achieving independence from Soviet Union new values emerged such as democracy, freedom, constitutional state, observing human rights, justice and national patriotism. They were declared as the course of Ukrainian development but the implementation had faced some difficulties like reactionaries and oligarchic groups. To O. Babkina`s mind, the actual problem of modern Ukraine is both unity of Ukraine and its contradiction from external threat of its sovereignty. Moreover the dire threat of national integrity influenced over social consolidation, invoked forming sociopolitical values and determined geopolitical vector for Ukraine. Positive factors for Ukrainian axiological system are consolidation of national idea, overcoming the value cleavage among political elites and citizens, growing patriotism of financial groups and authority.To sum up, Ukraine is building its own Postmodern to be a competitive and perspective actor of foreign policy due to its efforts of overcoming the value cleavage of Ukrainian society and strengthen first positive achievements.

The article considers the problem of the main methodological approaches to determine the role of certain states in geo-economic space including the first theories of the state regulation of economics (physiocracy, mercantilism, classical political economy), classical theoretical works (Keynesianism, monetarism, School of Economics Offers) and new approaches to the definition of the state's role in the world economic development (institutionalism, neo-liberalism, geo-economics). Transnationalization and globalization are found to promote the decrease of the role of national governments in the global economy due to the formation of international financial markets, internationalization of business and capital, the emergence of global public information networks, the self-determination of new nations, a sharp increase in the mobility of population, global problems, etc. However, it is proved that modern transformations of the world space do not lead to the loss of economic and political power by national states, and their development perspective depends on the country's affiliation to the definite social-economic structure in the "Centre-Periphery" model. It means that there will be a significant strengthening of the national state's role in the countries of post-industrial type; agricultural and industrial countries will gradually lose the control over both the internal processes of development and regulation and foreign economic sector; there will be processes of blurring the roles of national structures under the influence of leading countries of the world in transitional societies.

Історія становлення та розвитку української філологічної освіти в Західній Україні другої половини ХІХ – початку ХХ ст. пов'язана з Львівським університетом імені Яна Казимира. За цього періоду в межах філософського факультету (на філологічному відділенні) відбуваються істотні зміни, які торкалися мовної підготовки студентів: акцент зроблено на порівняльному мовознавстві, вивченні слов'янських мов (польської, болгарської, старослов'янської і чеської), романських мов (цьому сприяло створення відповідних кафедр), а також східних мов (гебрейська, арамейська, арабська, арамейська, ассировавилонська, санскрит, старовірменська (грабар). Студенти-філологи здобували ґрунтовну мовну підготовку, чому сприяли належне академічне середовище, потужна філологічна школа. Як окремий науковий напрям вивчався розвиток народознавства в Галичині. Початок ХХ ст. – період активних пошуків українства щодо реалізації ідеї створення українського університету у Львові. До цього спричинилися не тільки відомі політики, громадські діячі, педагоги, а й письменники, науковці (члени НТШ), студентство ("Академічне братство", "Ватра", "Академічна громада" та ін.) Львівського університету. Громадські ініціативи українських студентів та викладачів Львівського університету мали велике значення для утвердження з-поміж українства ідеї національної університетської освіти, це створювало добре підґрунтя для популяризації "університетської справи", пошуку моделі організації та розвитку "окремішного" українського університету. ; History of formation and development of Ukrainian philological education in Western Ukraine in the second half of the XIX – early XX centuries is associated with the Jan Kazimierz University of Lviv. The Rus Trinity founders, M. Shashkevych, Ya. Holovatskiy, I. Vahylevych and other well-known writers and scholars, who stood at Ukrainophile positions and created first textbooks in Rusyn language, advocated the introduction of Ukrainian phonetic spelling and greatly contributed into this process. In the second half of the XIX century within the Faculty of Philosophy (Department of Philology) of Jan Kazimierz University of Lviv, significant changes are taking place in the language training of students: emphasis is placed on comparative linguistics, study of Slavic languages (Polish, Bulgarian, Old Slavonic and Czech), Romance languages (this was facilitated by the creation of appropriate departments), as well as Oriental languages (Hebrew, Aramaic, Arabic, Babylonian, Sanskrit, Old Armenian (grabar)). Students of philology received a thorough language training, which was facilitated by a proper academic environment, a powerful philological school. The development of ethnography in Galicia was studied as a separate scientific field. The Ethnographic Society, created by the famous scientist A. Kalin, was of a complex nature. The end of the XIX century was marked by the creation of a special intellectual and cultural-educational academic environment. The next decade was a period of active search for Ukrainians to implement the idea of creating a Ukrainian university in Lviv. This was caused not only by well-known politicians, public figures, teachers, but also writers, scientists (members of NTSh), students ("Academic Brotherhood", "Vatra", "Academic Community", etc.) of Lviv University. Public initiatives of Ukrainian students and teachers of Lviv University were of great importance for the establishment of the idea of national university education among Ukrainians. It created a good basis for the promotion of universities, helped with finding a model for creating and developing a "separate" Ukrainian university. It was implemented in 1921 when Ukrainian secret university in Lviv was established. The philological training of Ukrainian students under the conditions of the "University in the Catacombs" (1921–1925) needs further scientific research.

Історія становлення та розвитку української філологічної освіти в Західній Україні другої половини ХІХ – початку ХХ ст. пов'язана з Львівським університетом імені Яна Казимира. За цього періоду в межах філософського факультету (на філологічному відділенні) відбуваються істотні зміни, які торкалися мовної підготовки студентів: акцент зроблено на порівняльному мовознавстві, вивченні слов'янських мов (польської, болгарської, старослов'янської і чеської), романських мов (цьому сприяло створення відповідних кафедр), а також східних мов (гебрейська, арамейська, арабська, арамейська, ассировавилонська, санскрит, старовірменська (грабар). Студенти-філологи здобували ґрунтовну мовну підготовку, чому сприяли належне академічне середовище, потужна філологічна школа. Як окремий науковий напрям вивчався розвиток народознавства в Галичині. Початок ХХ ст. – період активних пошуків українства щодо реалізації ідеї створення українського університету у Львові. До цього спричинилися не тільки відомі політики, громадські діячі, педагоги, а й письменники, науковці (члени НТШ), студентство ("Академічне братство", "Ватра", "Академічна громада" та ін.) Львівського університету. Громадські ініціативи українських студентів та викладачів Львівського університету мали велике значення для утвердження з-поміж українства ідеї національної університетської освіти, це створювало добре підґрунтя для популяризації "університетської справи", пошуку моделі організації та розвитку "окремішного" українського університету. ; History of formation and development of Ukrainian philological education in Western Ukraine in the second half of the XIX – early XX centuries is associated with the Jan Kazimierz University of Lviv. The Rus Trinity founders, M. Shashkevych, Ya. Holovatskiy, I. Vahylevych and other well-known writers and scholars, who stood at Ukrainophile positions and created first textbooks in Rusyn language, advocated the introduction of Ukrainian phonetic spelling and greatly contributed into this process. In the second half of the XIX century within the Faculty of Philosophy (Department of Philology) of Jan Kazimierz University of Lviv, significant changes are taking place in the language training of students: emphasis is placed on comparative linguistics, study of Slavic languages (Polish, Bulgarian, Old Slavonic and Czech), Romance languages (this was facilitated by the creation of appropriate departments), as well as Oriental languages (Hebrew, Aramaic, Arabic, Babylonian, Sanskrit, Old Armenian (grabar)). Students of philology received a thorough language training, which was facilitated by a proper academic environment, a powerful philological school. The development of ethnography in Galicia was studied as a separate scientific field. The Ethnographic Society, created by the famous scientist A. Kalin, was of a complex nature. The end of the XIX century was marked by the creation of a special intellectual and cultural-educational academic environment. The next decade was a period of active search for Ukrainians to implement the idea of creating a Ukrainian university in Lviv. This was caused not only by well-known politicians, public figures, teachers, but also writers, scientists (members of NTSh), students ("Academic Brotherhood", "Vatra", "Academic Community", etc.) of Lviv University. Public initiatives of Ukrainian students and teachers of Lviv University were of great importance for the establishment of the idea of national university education among Ukrainians. It created a good basis for the promotion of universities, helped with finding a model for creating and developing a "separate" Ukrainian university. It was implemented in 1921 when Ukrainian secret university in Lviv was established. The philological training of Ukrainian students under the conditions of the "University in the Catacombs" (1921–1925) needs further scientific research.

Scientifi interest to biopolitics in modern political discourse associated with the process of rapprochement natural and social knowledge. The second half of the XX century in western political science formed a tendency to reorient scientifi studies from politic institutions to analyze the behaviour of political actors and its inflence on the political process. Biopolitics focusing his research interest in various aspects of biopolitical issues: study of human and animals behaviour; analyze the formation of primitive societies and nations, study of physiological mechanisms of political behavior and its impact on the political process, analyze the political aspect of bioethics, implemented at the international level economic policy of biodiversity etc. Biopolitics is closely related to anthropology, evolutionary theory, psychoanalysis, issues of environmental sustainability etc. In the western scientifi tradition there is a clear distinction of terms «biopolicy» and «biopolitics». The direction that aims at political practice is determined by the fist term, while the theoretical study of various aspects of the biopolitical perspective tends to a second term. If we use biopolitical studies to analyze the current political reality, we are interested in the following aspects: 1) origins and evolution of the political behaviour, 2) physiological aspects of human behaviour, 3) the impact of education and social norms of the transformation of social (and later political) behaviour, 4) political behaviour and political process, etc. In this case, one of the central issues of biopolitics is understanding the evolutionary origins of human behaviour, particular tendency that homo sapiens passed to their descendants and its inflence on the political life. In the context of modern political science biopolitics can be defied as an interdisciplinary branch of scientifi knowledge that explores the political person as a species with a focus on physiological mechanisms of political behaviour and its inflence on the political process. ; Актуализация биополитической аналитики в современном политологическом дискурсе связана с процессом взаимосближения естественного и социогумантарного знания. Со второй половины ХХ века в западной политической мысли сформировалось тенденция к переориентации научных исследований с изучения политических институтов к анализу поведения «политических актеров» и его влияния на политический процесс. Биополитики сосредотачивают свой исследовательский интерес на различных аспектах биополитической проблематики. В контексте современных политологических исследований биополитику можно определить как междисциплинарную область научного знания, изучающую «человека политического» как биологический вид с акцентом на психофизиологических механизмах политического поведения и их влиянии на политический процесс ; Актуалізація біополітичної аналітики у сучасному політологічному дискурсі пов'язана з процесом взаємозближення природничого та соціогумантарного знання. З другої половини ХХ століття у західній політичній думці сформувалось тенденція до переорієнтації наукових досліджень з вивчення політичних інститутів до аналізу поведінки «політичних акторів» та її впливу на політичний процес. Біополітики зосереджують свій дослідницький інтерес на різних аспектах біополітичної проблематики. В контексті сучасних політологічних досліджень біополітику можна визначити як міждисциплінарну галузь наукового знання, що досліджує «людину політичну» як біологічний вид з акцентом на психофізіологічних механізмах політичної поведінки та їх впливом на політичний процес.

Economic liberalization, privatization and the process of accumulation of the initial capital in post-socialist societies have led to formation of the section of private owners which seemingly disappeared in the course of socialist transformations. As a new social phenomenon which is to be called, the new section of private owners, especially those which possess the essential by scale means of production, started acquiring various notions. As a rule sociologists, using the Marxist methodology, continue calling this section bourgeoisie or capitalists. Marxism defined capitalists as representatives of the ruling bourgeois class, which possess capital and obtain the surplus value by exploitation of employed labor. The major task of the paper is to analyze the notions belonging to the category of owners of the big private business and their correlation according to the criteria of social stratification, which distinguish such a phenomenon as availability of social subjects (that is social subjectness) in the post-socialist transformations. The communities and groups which perform concrete functions in the social structure of the society are defined as its social subjects. The social group which appears as the independent and active one in the social, economic or political sphere is considered the social subject. The social subject is, first of all, characterized by certain ways of the action and consciousness common for the social group. In so doing the social subject is distinguished by the corresponding values, interests, demands and life style.The analysis of the notions which determine the social group of the owners of big private business has shown that the term capitalists, which is widely used in the present western sociology, is the most acceptable one for the scope of this section. At the same time this term has a negative and ideologized shade in the post-socialist societies. The terms businessman and bourgeois, besides emphasizing the business and class aspects of social stratification, have other meanings that may cause the terminological confusion. On the other hand, to define this section one can use the term owners of big business which reflects adequately the main categories of operationalization of this social group in post-socialist societies, i. e.: 1) the origin of economic and social assets (inherited or earned), degree of their transformation into rent; 2) economic potential of the group (the scale of wealth, property and level of incomes); 3) political and social potential of the group (the scope of power and management functions); 4) socio-cultural potential (the level and character of education, qualification, values and ideology, etc.). All these criteria reflect simultaneously the subjectness of this political group in the society. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу проблеми категоріального охоплення соціальної групи великих власників. Автор зазначає, що найбільш прийнятним є термін «капіталісти», яке має широкий вжиток у сучасній західній соціології. Водночас, цей термін у постсоціалістичних суспільствах має негативний та заідеологізований відтінок. Терміни «підприємець» і «буржуа» крім позначення бізнесових та класових аспектів соціальної стратифікації мають й інші значення, що може викликати термінологічну плутанину. Тому для позначення цієї групи можна користуватися терміном «власники крупного капіталу», який адекватно відображає основні критерії операціоналізації цієї соціальної групи у постсоціалістичних суспільствах.

Victor Sokolov's article «Genesis and features of the functioning of illegal libraries in Ukraine: historical and socio-political factors» examined the peculiarities of formation, characteristics and peculiarities of illegal libraries, as well as socio-political factors, social conditions and main directions of these collections, mainly in Ukraine. The purpose of the proposed article is to identify and study the characteristics of illegal libraries, study their types, analysis and generalization of information about the peculiarities of the creation and operation of these collections in Ukraine, as well as characteristics of the main forms and directions of their activities. In his work, the author widely used general scientific and historical research methods: comparisons, analogies, deductions, descriptive, analytical, typological methods, as well as historical-comparative, historical-genetic and other methods of scientific research. The author proved that the most developed were the illegal libraries of political organizations and circles, which collected literature from various fields of knowledge, but most of them were publications in the social sciences (history, philosophy, sociology, etc.). Many illegal libraries, including marxist organizations and circles, were interconnected in centralized systems. In terms of the number of books, the funds of some illegal libraries of political organizations can be compared with the funds of public, church-parish, county and township libraries. However, most of them had up to 300 books. However, their activities had a certain impact on the socio-political life of society, on the formation of consciousness, cultural and educational level, mostly, the lower strata of the population. It was found that in the context of police persecution, «employees» of illegal libraries quickly adapted to new circumstances and needs of readers and often changed the forms, methods, principles of work in order to steadily pursue the main line of these collections – to disseminate certain ideas and principles of public life. Illegal libraries often operated under the guise of self-education, literary and artistic, public, women's, family and leisure, educational and other societies and clubs. In general, they were characterized by the presence of almost all organizational and structural subsystems that had official public libraries: they had a fund of various types of documents, a catalog, a contingent of readers, facilities, library staff and documentation. In illegal libraries, for the first time, active forms and methods of book promotion were born, which were used and researched during communication with users of book collections, whose reading needs were also periodically studied. It was found that illegal libraries, including political organizations and circles, performed both educational and ideological tasks, and organizational (they became organizational centers of political struggle, in particular the premises of illegal libraries were a place of appearances, a point of agitation and propaganda, storage of revolutionary literature, etc.). A study of the history of illegal libraries, in particular, political organizations, educational and cultural-educational societies, proves that certain democratic, progressive elements of library development were formed in their activities, some of which were inherited and developed by domestic library science and practice. ; Досліджено історичні фактори виникнення та особливості функціонування нелегальних бібліотек в Україні у ХІХ–ХХ ст. Виявлено та охарактеризовано основні види і специфіку їх культурно-просвітницької та бібліотечної діяльності. Проаналізовано своєрідність організаційної роботи нелегальних бібліотек в умовах підпільного існування, соціально-політичні чинники їх розвитку у загальному контексті історичних подій та особливостей політичного та культурно-освітнього життя суспільства. Висвітлено суспільне значення функціонування нелегальних бібліотек, місце і роль їх бібліотечної та культурно-просвітницької діяльності у поширенні читання, знань, просвітництва та у піднесенні загального рівня свідомості та політичної культури соціально активних, переважно нижчих, прошарків населення, а також у розвитку бібліотечної справи країни в цілому.

Victor Sokolov's article «Genesis and features of the functioning of illegal libraries in Ukraine: historical and socio-political factors» examined the peculiarities of formation, characteristics and peculiarities of illegal libraries, as well as socio-political factors, social conditions and main directions of these collections, mainly in Ukraine. The purpose of the proposed article is to identify and study the characteristics of illegal libraries, study their types, analysis and generalization of information about the peculiarities of the creation and operation of these collections in Ukraine, as well as characteristics of the main forms and directions of their activities. In his work, the author widely used general scientific and historical research methods: comparisons, analogies, deductions, descriptive, analytical, typological methods, as well as historical-comparative, historical-genetic and other methods of scientific research. The author proved that the most developed were the illegal libraries of political organizations and circles, which collected literature from various fields of knowledge, but most of them were publications in the social sciences (history, philosophy, sociology, etc.). Many illegal libraries, including marxist organizations and circles, were interconnected in centralized systems. In terms of the number of books, the funds of some illegal libraries of political organizations can be compared with the funds of public, church-parish, county and township libraries. However, most of them had up to 300 books. However, their activities had a certain impact on the socio-political life of society, on the formation of consciousness, cultural and educational level, mostly, the lower strata of the population. It was found that in the context of police persecution, «employees» of illegal libraries quickly adapted to new circumstances and needs of readers and often changed the forms, methods, principles of work in order to steadily pursue the main line of these collections – to disseminate certain ideas and principles of public life. Illegal libraries often operated under the guise of self-education, literary and artistic, public, women's, family and leisure, educational and other societies and clubs. In general, they were characterized by the presence of almost all organizational and structural subsystems that had official public libraries: they had a fund of various types of documents, a catalog, a contingent of readers, facilities, library staff and documentation. In illegal libraries, for the first time, active forms and methods of book promotion were born, which were used and researched during communication with users of book collections, whose reading needs were also periodically studied. It was found that illegal libraries, including political organizations and circles, performed both educational and ideological tasks, and organizational (they became organizational centers of political struggle, in particular the premises of illegal libraries were a place of appearances, a point of agitation and propaganda, storage of revolutionary literature, etc.). A study of the history of illegal libraries, in particular, political organizations, educational and cultural-educational societies, proves that certain democratic, progressive elements of library development were formed in their activities, some of which were inherited and developed by domestic library science and practice. ; Досліджено історичні фактори виникнення та особливості функціонування нелегальних бібліотек в Україні у ХІХ–ХХ ст. Виявлено та охарактеризовано основні види і специфіку їх культурно-просвітницької та бібліотечної діяльності. Проаналізовано своєрідність організаційної роботи нелегальних бібліотек в умовах підпільного існування, соціально-політичні чинники їх розвитку у загальному контексті історичних подій та особливостей політичного та культурно-освітнього життя суспільства. Висвітлено суспільне значення функціонування нелегальних бібліотек, місце і роль їх бібліотечної та культурно-просвітницької діяльності у поширенні читання, знань, просвітництва та у піднесенні загального рівня свідомості та політичної культури соціально активних, переважно нижчих, прошарків населення, а також у розвитку бібліотечної справи країни в цілому.